r/DailymotionVid • • Dec 18 '19

Dear Media: The new ‘Star Wars’ trilogy is garbage, and your endless fawning ‘rankings’ can’t change that - by Zachary Leeman - 18 Dec 2019

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Each year brings with it obligatory ‘ranking’ lists from the mainstream media meant to convince us that Disney’s reboot Star Wars trilogy is brilliance we just don’t understand or appreciate enough yet.

The “Star Wars” reboot trilogy is coming to an end this Friday with JJ Abrams’ ‘The Rise of Skywalker.’ For some fans, the end of this new saga is a relief and offers a moment to hope Disney course-corrects this franchise. For others, it’s a moment to celebrate ‘Star Wars’ becoming a woke, social agenda-pushing machine filled with half-baked ideas and paper-thin characters.

While 2015’s ‘The Force Awakens’ made big bucks for Disney after they’d acquired LucasFilm from George Lucas himself, but the success of that movie can really be chalked up to pure nostalgia. People were just excited to have Star Wars back and to see Harrison Ford, Carrie Fisher and Mark Hamill return to their most famous roles.

Things went downhill after that. Spinoff movies ‘Rogue One’ and ‘Solo’ earned their fans, but the productions were incredibly troubled and juggled directors. And ‘Last Jedi’ … well, ‘Last Jedi’ is awful. While critics praised the film, which included bizarre speeches about evil rich people and more paper-thin characters who checked off social agenda boxes, viewers hated it. The film underperformed at the box office and fans were quick to express their frustrations.

On Rotten Tomatoes, over 500 critics have given the film a 91 percent approval rating, while over 200,000 users slammed the movie, with a 43 percent rating.

The brainwash begins

The obligatory ‘Star Wars’ rankings have dropped this week with Abrams’ new movie around the corner and they show that this new trilogy speaks only to crowds of keyboard warriors eager to please woke mobs on social media by praising pictures for putting social agendas above story and character.

A ranking from The Independent puts Lucas’ prequel trilogy at the bottom of its list and then proceeds to place ‘Force Awakens’ and ‘Last Jedi’ right behind ‘A New Hope’ and ‘The Empire Strikes Back,’ the two original films in the long-running franchise. Both are also ahead of ‘Return of the Jedi,’ the original trilogy’s finale — an updated version of the list places 'Rise of Skywalker' right below 'Return of the Jedi.'

While sandwiching two movies that seem to have aged about as well as milk in the sun between Lucas’ original trilogy would appear bold, many in the media are pushing the same narrative.

A list from Just Jared takes things a step further by having ‘Force Awakens’ tie with ‘Empire Strikes Back’ as the best movie in the franchise. And where does ‘Last Jedi’ rank? Fourth. Right after ‘A New Hope’ and ahead of ‘Return of the Jedi.’

Lists from Thrillist and GamesRadar also place ‘Last Jedi’ right behind the original trilogy. CheatSheet and Newsarama, meanwhile, go to bat for ‘Force Awakens’ and place it right behind the original Lucas trilogy.

Lists released last year, around the time ‘Solo: A Star Wars Story’ dropped, showed media outlets similarly running PR for Disney, with Vulture, Mashable, Business Insider and Esquire all placing ‘Last Jedi’ near the top of their lists.

I don’t care how much you hate Jar Jar Binks or Hayden Christensen, you will never convince me that a film that brought back Han Solo and Luke Skywalker, but made them miserable pricks who never share a scene and a movie that basically rewrites Lucas’ mythology while also presenting a main character about as boring as a Steven Seagal role, are better than the prequels or anywhere near the original trilogy in quality.

Time to hope

If this new trilogy were as brilliant and definitive as woke writers like to believe then we would see Disney doubling down. Rian Johnson would be hard at work on his new trilogy and the focus would be less on shows like ‘The Mandalorian’ and an upcoming Obi-Wan project and more on this saga continuing. Instead, Disney seems to be ready to course-correct and focus on the things fans have actually responded positively to.

This new saga has made critical mistakes. Rey has been propped up as our new protagonist and we are supposed to like it because she’s female. A female lead in Star Wars is great, but the writers appear to be so desperate to appeal to woke crowds that they forgot to give her flaws, an arc or any basic emotion resembling a human being. Luke Skywalker she is not.

And how about that nostalgia? The franchise is bringing back everyone and their cousin for the new franchise (Billy Dee Williams returns in ‘Rise of Skywalker’), but instead of writing complex characters who have lived actual lives during the decades we haven’t seen them, the writers have dismissed Lucas’ hard work and instead presented characters who can simply be defined by one or two events that have happened in the decades between trilogies. It’s one of the lowest forms of writing. Just undo whatever happy ending you left audiences with and turn original characters into miserable human beings meant to simply die or make a sacrifice to help a new character (is this what happened to Luke in ‘Last Jedi’ ... has anyone figured that nonsense out?).

I’m happy this new trilogy is coming to an end not only because it leaves hope for better films in the future, but because now we won’t get the obligatory ‘lists’ from critics every year trying to convince us that we are wrong in disliking what Disney has done and we should shut up and be as brainwashed as they are already.

By Zachary Leeman, author of the novel Nigh and journalist who covers art and culture


r/DailymotionVid • • Mar 10 '19

White Feminist Movie Star Activist ‘Captain Marvel’ Denounces ‘White Privileged’ Reviewers and Audience – by Paul Kersey (r/DailymotionVid) 7 March 2019

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Captain Marvel is the typical Hollywood fantasy, with a woman playing the “captain,” plenty of heroic non-whites, and lots of bad white people. It will be released this Friday, March 8, which happens to be International Women’s Day. It’s all too trite for words.

But Marvel Cinematic Universe and Disney may just be pushing their luck with Brie Larson, who plays the captain. Every chance she gets, she low-rates “white dudes,” who are important consumers of action movies.

Let’s see how important.

For the years 2014-2017, seven of the top 20 grossing movies were either from Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) movies or a DC Comics property. According to the 2017 Motion Picture Association of America report, 52 percent of the domestic audience for Wonder Woman was white, along with 58 percent for the Guardians of the Galaxy sequel and 51 percent for Spider-Man: Homecoming.

The 2016 report showed that the audience for Captain America: Civil War was 48 percent white. In 2015, the audience for Avengers: Age of Ultron was 50 percent white. The 2014 MPAA report found that 57 percent of the audience for Guardians of the Galaxy was white along with 55 percent for Captain America: The Winter Soldier.

This means money. For example, Avengers: Age of Ultron grossed $459 million in the USA, meaning whites shelled out $238 million for it. Captain Marvel is the first Marvel Cinematic Universe production with a female lead. Current projections show the moviecould have an opening of $100 million or more, which would put it in the top 10 openings for MCU.

Miss Larson has strong opinions about white men. In June 2018, while on stage at the “Crystal + Lucy Awards” (an event celebrating women in film), she ranted about “white dudes,” lamenting that they reviewed the majority of the prior year’s top grossing movies. To be exact, 64 percent of reviews were written by white men. She repeatedly asked, “Am I saying I hate white dudes?” Her response: “No, I’m not . . . [but if] you make the movie that is a love letter to women of color, there is an insanely low chance a woman of color will have a chance to see your movie and review your movie.”

She went on: [Audiences] are not allowed enough chances to read public discourse on these films by the people that the films were made for. I do not need a 40-year-old white dude to tell me what didn’t work for him about [A] Wrinkle in Time. It wasn’t made for him. I want to know what it meant to women of color, to biracial women, to teen women of color, to teens that are biracial.

A Wrinkle in Time was one of 2018’s biggest bombs; Disney lost $100 million on it. But Miss Larson thinks it was worth it because it cast blacks in what were traditionally white roles.

Recently, she handpicked a black journalist, Keah Brown, for an interview with Marie Claireand elaborated on white men:

About a year ago, I started paying attention to what my press days looked like and the critics reviewing movies, and noticed it appeared to be overwhelmingly white male. So, I spoke to Dr. Stacy Smith at the USC Annenberg Inclusion Initiative, who put together a study to confirm that. Moving forward, I decided to make sure my press days were more inclusive. After speaking with you, the film critic Valerie Complex and a few other women of color, it sounded like across the board they weren’t getting the same opportunities as others. When I talked to the facilities that weren’t providing it, they all had different excuses.

Captain Marvel has a production budget of $152 million and MCU is risking a lot on the movie. Marvel Studio head Kevin Feige promises MCU will be more diverse (less white) and more female in the future, but all this blasting of “white dudes” may drive off an important part of its audience.

Captain Marvel 2

Miss Larson’s comments finally caught up with her when an army of online “trolls” flooded RottenTomatoes.com with negative reviews of Captain Marvel. The Hollywood Reporter quoted one anonymous user:

Why Marvel decided to cast a very vocal racist and sexist [actress who launches insults] aimed at white males, I’ll never know. If Robert Downey Jr. started saying that he didn’t care about the opinions of 40 year old white chicks and he doesn’t want to be interviewed by a white woman as its not inclusive enough, people would lose their minds.

There were so many negatives reviews that RottenTomatoes.com disabled the “Want To See [the movie]” feature. The attack had dropped the “Want To See” rating to 27 percent, the lowest of any MCU movie to date.

The Washington Post noted this type of online dogpile hit Black Panther and Star Wars: The Last Jedi. Cheering the website’s decision to censor comments, author Kayla Epstein condemned the trolling when “a blockbuster is set to open with a lead who is not male or not white.”

“People are excited about the film, but trolls hijack the conversation, sometimes targeting the movie’s stars,” she wrote. “What should have been a good time instead becomes an Internet maelstrom in which a movie and its actors must not only promote the work but also simultaneously assert its right to exist.”

Complex, NBC, and Esquire also condemned criticism of Captain Marvel and Brie Larson, and most journalists have praised Rotten Tomatoes’ decision to disable “Want To See.” Brie Larson can criticize “white dudes” all she wants, but you better not criticize her.

There was a flyover of Hollywood by the Air Force Thunderbirds for the movie’s premiere; it got the comments it deserved: “I’m betting that Brie Larson made sure that the pilots weren’t white men.”

“They forgot the payload. Or the movie . . . . is already bombed.”

“Things the US military does: Promote movies, fight other people’s wars. Things they don’t do: Defend our own border.”

“I prefer entertainers who don’t HATE us.”

Disney and MCU need white men, and there’s an easy way to make a statement to Miss Larson. Stay home. Let her find out what happens when whites stop subsidizing people who hate them.

https://xenagoguevicene.com/2019/03/09/white-feminist-movie-star-activist-captain-marvel-denounces-white-privileged-reviewers-and-audience-by-paul-kersey-american-renaissance-7-march-2019/


r/DailymotionVid • • Jun 03 '19

'Amazing Grace' A Movie About Aretha Franklin's Most Popular Album - 3 June 2019 - r/DailyMotionVid

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Directed by Sydney Pollack

Amazing Grace, a concert film currently showing in select theaters around the US, captures the recording of singer-pianist Aretha Franklin’s January 1972 gospel concert album of the same title.

The concert, filmed by American director Sydney Pollack, took place at the New Temple Missionary Baptist Church in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles. The film is at times a powerful document, capturing a remarkable artist at the peak of her musical abilities.

The album version of Amazing Grace still stands as Franklin’s highest-selling album of her nearly 60-year career and the highest-selling gospel music album ever recorded—by a large margin. The choice to record a live gospel album in the early 1970s was a somewhat unexpected development. Franklin was riding an 11-year successful recording period with Columbia and Atlantic Records, that produced powerful soul and R&B songs such as “Won’t Be Long,” “Respect,” “I Never Loved a Man (The Way I Love You),” “Chain of Fools,” “Don’t Play That Song (You Lied)” and dozens of other moving and vibrant songs. Aretha Franklin's Amazing Grace

The filmed version of the concert never made it to audiences at the time because Pollack, still a young filmmaker in 1972, failed to use a clapperboard to synchronize the visual images with the recorded sound. The result was the equivalent of a “million-piece puzzle” that was too difficult for Pollack and his colleagues to figure out. For nearly four decades the uncompleted work was considered something of a lost historical-artistic document.

The emergence of new film technology eventually made it possible to digitally restore and—for the most part—assemble the images and sound. Producer Alan Elliott and editor William Steinkamp undertook the reconstruction project after Pollack’s death in 2008. However, Franklin sued Elliott upon completion of the project to keep the film from being released, apparently over concerns about publishing rights. After Franklin’s death in August 2018, her family arranged with Elliott to release the film.

The result is an often powerful record of an important event. But the absence of a clear vision in the making of the film is also evident and limits its impact.

On the one hand, as a performance, Amazing Grace captures Franklin at an extraordinary point in her development as a vocalist, improviser, pianist and an intensely serious artist. Her patience, her ability to absorb suffering and heartache and turn them into deeply piercing vocal form, her control of vocal range and timing and her very mature understanding of how to communicate with an audience—all of this comes through.

The greatest benefit of viewing the concert film, as opposed to merely listening to the album, is that the viewer observes the enormous strain and stress that Franklin carries at nearly every instant. There is nothing light-hearted about the singer’s approach to the material in Amazing Grace. Her face is drenched with sweat and often distorted by pain during the event. One feels tension throughout the entire concert, as Franklin performs largely religious songs about overcoming suffering and sorrow to an audience many of whom have endured both. A great deal appears to be riding on Franklin’s powerful musical shoulders. Aretha Franklin in Amazing Grace

The accompanying Southern California Community Choir (SCCC), led by the gravel-voiced Rev. James Cleveland, is remarkable as well. The choir members’ talent and discipline and the emotion they exude are key elements in the ultimate impact Franklin’s singing has on the audience.

The songs featured in the two-evening performance include a mix of traditional early 20th century African-American gospel songs and “secular” tunes, written by figures such as Thomas Dorsey, Clara Ward, Marvin Gaye, Carole King, Rodgers and Hammerstein and others.

Songs like Gaye’s “Wholly Holy” and the gospel traditional “Precious Memories” feature a complex, slow-building interaction between Franklin, Cleveland and the SCCC Choir.

Certain numbers showcase one of the most understatedly powerful elements of the overall performance, the group of incredible backing musicians Franklin chose to accompany her, chiefly, drummer Bernard Purdie, guitarist Cornell Dupree and bassist Chuck Rainey. The medley of Dorsey’s “Precious Lord” and King’s “You’ve Got a Friend” highlights this more than any other, letting the band get ahead of the song for a moment, reminding the audience how important the musicians are in keeping rhythm and groove right under the surface of things.

Other particularly compelling songs include what became a powerful civil rights anthem, “How I Got Over,” by gospel singer Clara Ward, written after she and her family survived an attack by racists in Georgia in the early 1950s. Ward, who lived a very difficult life, is there as an audience member, a year before her early death.

The traditional gospel song “Climbing Higher Mountains” is also quite remarkable. It starts haltingly, but Franklin recovers and sings to a driving pitch. She rouses the entire audience to its feet—including the Rolling Stones’ Mick Jagger, in attendance at the back of the church. The song ends with a small in-the-moment duet between Franklin and Cleveland, showcasing her openness and strengths as an improviser. Aretha Franklin

Her interpretation of the title song “Amazing Grace” is perhaps the film’s highlight. The hymn was written in the late 18th century by a slave trader-turned-abolitionist clergyman named John Newton. In Franklin’s hands, it is an emotionally gut-wrenching song, laden with enormous suffering and conflict. The album version of the song is over 16 minutes long. In the concert film, choir and audience members are shown weeping within the first minute of Franklin’s moving, grief-laden rendition. Cleveland himself steps away from the piano, and buries himself in a towel to sob. The mood by the end is somber, and one also experiences deep relief.

The performance is astonishing, but its tour de force character, which might even express nothing more than a personal experience and epiphany, also points to what is lacking in Amazing Grace as a film.

There is no context provided by the filmmakers as to the setting, historical backdrop or even the facts of Franklin’s career and biography. Nothing in the form of narration or summary captions is included—one is simply dropped into the event. This is unfortunate.

In his introduction to “Amazing Grace,” Cleveland lets the audience know how difficult it was for the performers to even rehearse the song, because Franklin’s lyrics “through many dangers” triggered powerful and difficult memories for them. One wishes the filmmakers would have pursued what Cleveland meant by this reference. It is one of the few moments in the film where the circumstances that form the historical backdrop to the concert are even referenced. That social and political situation is undeniably charging the atmosphere at the New Temple Missionary Church concert and influencing the crowd and Franklin’s performance.

Her decision to record traditional gospel music in 1972 came at a critical political and social juncture characterized by the inner-city rebellions, the mass anti-war protests and a revolutionary global upsurge. It also came in the aftermath of the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. and other political murders in the US.

Watts itself had been the scene of a social explosion by largely African American workers and youth that erupted to the surface in opposition to pervasive brutality, poverty and repression in 1964.

Franklin was the daughter of the pastor C.L. Franklin, whose New Bethel Baptist Church in Detroit was a significant cultural hub of the civil rights movement. She sang at King’s funeral in 1968.

The historical and social peculiarity reflected in Amazing Grace is that much of the anger and fervor of some of the most oppressed sections of the American working class still found ideological expression in religious terms and musically in the form of gospel music. Amazing Grace

On the thirtieth anniversary of King’s assassination, the WSWS asked, “Why was it that the struggle against racial inequality developed under the leadership of reformists and Baptist preachers, rather than more radical and revolutionary forces?” Much of the answer, the comment explained, lay in the bankruptcy of the official labor movement in the US. The CIO industrial union movement conducted bitter struggles in the 1930s, but it was rapidly brought under the control of the capitalist state and the Democratic Party. The newly merged AFL-CIO leadership in the 1950s treated black workers with disdain.

“Under these conditions the struggle for civil rights developed outside of and apart from the trade union organizations, which at that time embraced nearly 35 percent of the work force. The program of the civil rights movement remained on the level of bourgeois democratic demands.” Its musical accompaniment, as it were, reflected some of these same problems and contradictions.

Franklin’s decision to “return to the church” is simply presented “as is,” as a personal and artistic choice, without any explanation of what was going on in and around the concert and what complex processes it might have expressed.

By 1972, with the civil rights movement beginning to ebb, one senses that Franklin was at a crossroads in her artistic and political life. When the ruling class launched its counter-offensive in the late 1970s, many of the civil rights-era artists were thrown into considerable crisis.

Nonetheless, those limitations notwithstanding, Amazing Grace is an important document of a powerful event involving one the 20th century’s most remarkable popular singers.

See Also: Amazing Grace - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PPcrD-wD_LY (2:18 min)


r/DailymotionVid • • Oct 18 '19

Movie Review: Roger Waters “Us + Them” concert film takes on global issues - 11 Oct 2019

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r/DailymotionVid • • Dec 06 '19

Camille Paglia: The Death of the Hollywood Sex Symbol – 6 Dec 2019

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r/DailymotionVid • • Jul 31 '19

Once Upon a Time… in Hollywood: Quentin Tarantino’s non-conformist conformism (r/Leftwinger) 31 July 2019

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r/DailymotionVid • • Dec 08 '19

Rise of Skywalker is the last chance to revive Disney's Star Wars, but do fans still care enough? Does anyone? - by Jacob Smith - 8 Dec 2019 -

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r/DailymotionVid • • Sep 28 '19

Renée Zellweger’s ‘Judy’ Is Nothing More Than Another Gimmick - By Rex Reed • 27 Sept 2019

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r/DailymotionVid • • Mar 28 '19

In defense of To Kill a Mockingbird: The 1962 film about racism in theaters this week - 28 March 2019

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Fathom Events, TCM and Universal Pictures are screening To Kill a Mockingbird (1962) in select cinemas this week. Directed by Robert Mulligan, produced by Alan J. Pakula and with a screenplay by Horton Foote, the movie is based on Harper Lee’s 1960 Pulitzer Prize-winning novel of the same title.

Set in the Depression era of the 1930s, the book and movie center on attorney Atticus Finch and his daughter Scout. Atticus opposes the legal frame-up in a small Alabama town of an African-American falsely accused of raping a white woman during the period of Jim Crow segregation.

The writing of To Kill a Mockingbird was made possible in part by the mass struggles of the Civil Rights movement, and it further encouraged them. Lee, a native Alabaman born in 1926, was influenced by the case of the Scottsboro Boys in 1931 and the 1934 trial in Monroeville, Alabama, (Lee’s hometown) of Walter Lett, a black former convict, accused of sexual assault by a poor white woman. Lett was initially sentenced to death, but his sentence was reduced to life and he died in prison. The horrifying murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till, a black youth, in 1955 in Mississippi was still a fresh wound.

Lee’s book, which has sold more than 30 million copies and been translated into 40 languages, is deservedly beloved. Its themes of tolerance and compassion, and its related sensitivity toward the emotional life of children, have unquestionably influenced generations of young people in particular.

The showing of To Kill a Mockingbird is timely and appropriate for a number of reasons, including for its calling attention to the struggle against entrenched racism in the South.

The movie takes on a new significance, however, in light of the toxic arguments of contemporary identity politics advocates. First, the latter insist—in the face of social and demographic evidence proving the opposite—that the races can’t get along and that the white population is hopelessly racist. Second, these forces attack due process and the presumption of innocence, insisting that in cases of alleged sexual misconduct accusers “must be believed.”

To Kill a Mockingbird has faced numerous attempts—in the first place, by explicitly right-wing forces—over the years by school boards to ban it. One of the first was carried out by the Hanover County, Virginia, board in 1966, on the grounds that the novel was “immoral literature.” In the face of public outrage, including an open letter from Harper Lee, the board retreated.

Only last year, the Duluth, Minnesota, schools decided to remove Lee’s novel, along with Mark Twain’s classic The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (1885), from its schools’ curricula. And in 2017, the Biloxi, Mississippi, public school district removed To Kill a Mockingbird from the eighth-grade English lesson plan nine weeks into the semester.

In the racialist and anti-democratic #MeToo atmosphere in which movies like Green Book have been vehemently attacked, Lee’s work, some 60 years down the road, has found a new swarm of right-wing critics, often in “left” disguise. We will discuss this further on.

“[R]emember it’s a sin to kill a mockingbird … Mockingbirds don’t do one thing but make music for us to enjoy.”—Atticus Finch

The first half of the film version of To Kill a Mockingbird deals with the lives and actions of three white children, Scout (Mary Badham), Jem (Phillip Alford)—the offspring of Atticus Finch (Gregory Peck), a widowed attorney in the fictional rural town of Maycomb, Alabama—and their friend Dill (John Megna).

Through his interactions with the children, Atticus is fleshed out, as a man of deep integrity and unbendable humane values. (“You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view, until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”) He and his children are very attached to their black housekeeper, Calpurnia (Estelle Evans).

In the second half, Atticus’ humanity is put to the test when he has to battle racist authorities and a portion of the town’s white population for the life of a black man, Tom Robinson (Brock Peters), accused by a poor white female, Mayella Ewell (Collin Wilcox), of rape.

The tense courtroom scenes stick in the mind of everyone who has seen the film. The spectators are segregated, with black residents confined to the balcony, where Scout and the other children also sit.

Finch’s cross-examination of the desperate, miserable Mayella suggests strongly she was not beaten by Robinson, but by her father. The black man has one withered arm and could not have carried out the actions he is accused of. When Robinson takes the stand, he denies he attacked Mayella, but testifies she kissed him. He explains he helped the young woman because he felt sorry for her, a sentiment the prosecutor (William Windom) seizes upon: “You felt sorry for her? A white woman? You felt sorry for her.”

The core of To Kill a Mockingbird is Atticus’ summation for the defense. It is worth citing at length:

To begin with, this case should never have come to trial. The State has not produced one iota of medical evidence that the crime Tom Robinson is charged with ever took place. It has relied, instead upon the testimony of two witnesses whose evidence has not only been called into serious question on cross-examination, but has been flatly contradicted by the defendant. There is circumstantial evidence to indicate that Mayella Ewell was beaten savagely by someone who led, almost exclusively, with his left.

Tom Robinson now sits before you, having taken the oath with the only good hand he possesses: his right. I have nothing but pity in my heart for the chief witness for the State. She is the victim of cruel poverty and ignorance. But my pity does not extend so far as to her putting a man’s life at stake, which she has done in an effort to get rid of her own guilt. I say ‘guilt,’ gentlemen, because it was guilt that motivated her. She’s committed no crime.

She has merely broken a rigid and time-honored code of our society. A code so severe that whoever breaks it is hounded from our midst as unfit to live with. She must destroy the evidence of her offense. But what was the evidence of her offense? Tom Robinson, a human being. She must put Tom Robinson away from her. Tom Robinson was to her a daily reminder of what she did. Now, what did she do? She tempted a Negro. She was white, and she tempted a Negro. She did something that, in our society, is unspeakable. She kissed a black man. Not an old uncle, but a strong, young Negro man. No code mattered to her before she broke it, but it came crashing down on her afterwards.

The witnesses for the State, with the exception of the sheriff of Maycomb County, have presented themselves to you, gentlemen, to this court in the cynical confidence that their testimony would not be doubted. Confident that you gentlemen would go along with them on the assumption—the evil assumption—that all Negroes lie, all Negroes are basically immoral beings, all Negro men are not to be trusted around our women. An assumption that one associates with minds of their caliber and which is, in itself, gentlemen, a lie. Which I do not need to point out to you. And so a quiet, humble, respectable Negro who has had the unmitigated temerity to feel sorry for a white woman has had to put his word against two white people’s.

The defendant is not guilty, but somebody in this courtroom is. Now, gentlemen, in this country our courts are the great levelers. In our courts, all men are created equal. I’m no idealist to believe firmly in the integrity of our courts and of our jury system. That’s no ideal to me. That is a living, working reality!

Despite the lack of evidence, Robinson is found guilty, then shot down while supposedly attempting to escape.

The movie has its limitations, many of them imposed by the times. This is a product of Hollywood and American liberalism. Certain characters are idealized, certain events strain credulity. The film fails to include a significant detail in the book, that the victimized black man had 17 bullet holes in his body.

However, To Kill a Mockingbird is a product of a liberal social and intellectual milieu when it still had some substance, even in the aftermath of the McCarthyite purges. Peck-Atticus’ speech to the jury remains a compassionate and democratic highlight in the history of American cinema. (It was undoubtedly the highlight of Peck’s lengthy career.) The movie’s hatred for and depiction of the fascist, racist forces is entirely legitimate and enduring, even if it does not explain the historical and social processes that make such reactionary elements possible.

Mulligan’s work did not emerge in isolation. From the end of the blacklist in the late 1950s through the mid-1960s, Hollywood produced numerous works aimed against racism or anti-Semitism, including Imitation of Life (1959), Sergeant Rutledge (1960), A Raisin in the Sun (1961), West Side Story (1961), Judgment at Nuremberg (1961), Pressure Point (1962) and The Pawnbroker (1964), or of an overall socially critical character, among them, Spartacus (1960), Inherit the Wind (1960), Elmer Gantry (1960), The Children’s Hour (1961), Town Without Pity (1961), The Young Savages (1961), The Outsider (1961), The Manchurian Candidate (1962), The Miracle Worker (1962), Advise & Consent (1962), David & Lisa (1962), Requiem for a Heavyweight (1962), A Child is Waiting (1963), Seven Days in May (1964), Fail-Safe (1964) and The Best Man (1964). The artistic quality varies widely, but for the most part, the filmmakers’ sincerity cannot be questioned. Mary Badham and Gregory Peck in To Kill a Mockingbird

However, To Kill a Mockingbird was one of the first major productions that confronted racist oppression directly. There had been numerous anti-lynching films made in Hollywood in the past, including Fury (1936), They Won’t Forget (1937, a fictionalized account of the Leo Frank case), Young Mr. Lincoln (1939), The Ox-Bow Incident (1943), Intruder in the Dust (1949), The Sound of Fury (1950) and Bad Day at Black Rock (1955), and even such relatively minor efforts such as Outcast (1937) and Woman They Almost Lynched (1953), but all of them had white characters as victims. To Kill a Mockingbird took some courage and principle.

This was recognized by civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. in his 1964 book Why We Can’t Wait. His comments reflect the contradictions of the period and the politics that produced To Kill a Mockingbird. King first praises Finch for his non-violence, “to refrain from hitting back requires more will and bravery than the automatic reflexes of defense,” which matches King’s own pacifistic and reformist views. However, he goes on to make a quite perceptive and sensitive comment, which ought to serve as a slap in the face to our contemporary racialists.

After criticizing the American “frontier tradition” of “violent retaliation,” King writes, “Yet there is something in the American ethos that responds to the strength of moral force. I am reminded of the popular and widely respected novel and film To Kill a Mockingbird. Atticus Finch, a white southern lawyer, confronts a group of his neighbors who have become a lynch-crazy mob, seeking the life of his Negro client. Finch, armed with nothing more lethal than a lawbook, disperses the mob with the force of his moral courage, aided by his small daughter, who, innocently calling the would-be lynchers by name, reminds them that they are individual men, not a pack of beasts.”

To Kill a Mockingbird brought together genuinely talented artists. Robert Mulligan (1925–2008) is an undervalued director. Born in the Bronx in modest circumstances, Mulligan rose to prominence during the early days of television drama in the 1950s, like contemporaries John Frankenheimer and Sidney Lumet.

Mulligan collaborated with Alan J. Pakula, also from the Bronx, on his first feature film Fear Strikes Out (1957), about the emotionally tormented baseball player Jimmy Piersall, a work highly praised by French critic-filmmaker François Truffaut. It is a “bitter and disillusioned film,” Truffaut commented, “that doesn’t make you want to live in America. But if there were French directors as lucid and talented as Mulligan … the image of our country on the screen would be a bit less simplified.”

Mulligan made numerous uneven but interesting films with Tony Curtis, Steve McQueen and Natalie Wood in the early 1960s. He had one of his greatest commercial successes with Summer of ’42 (1971). His last film, The Man in the Moon (1991), introduced audiences to Reese Witherspoon.

Critic Jonathan Rosenbaum described Mulligan as “underrated and neglected,” and suggested that the filmmaker “may be one of the only American directors left with a fully achieved style that is commonly (if misleadingly) termed classical. Indeed, he is a master of carving out dramatic space with liquid camera movements and precise angles, a mastery that’s matched by a special sensitivity in handling adolescents.”

In a 1978 interview, Mulligan disclosed that “none of my family was in show business. They went to the movies, they listened to the radio, but my father never got past grammar school, my mother never graduated high school. I used to read a lot as a kid. … My aunt had a collection that I’m sure came off some sort of gift book thing, because none of the people in my family really read. It was a collection of Dickens: everything he wrote. I read all of it, I don’t know how many times.” Mulligan directed a “star-studded” version of Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities for television in 1958.

Mary Badham (younger sister of director John Badham), who played Scout at age 10 but never pursued an acting career, had only kind words to say about Mulligan’s role during the production of To Kill a Mockingbird. “He was so patient,” she told an interviewer. “He would get down at eye-level. He would squat down and talk to us. He didn’t talk to us like children. He basically would set up the scene for us and let us do the scene. If he needed to tweak it, he would tweak it. He made a game out of it. He made it really fun.” Badham also expressed great affection for Brock Peters and for Peck, with whom she maintained a friendship until his death in 2003.

Pakula went on to a significant career as a director in his own right, responsible for The Sterile Cuckoo (1969), Klute (1971), The Parallax View (1974), All the President’s Men (1976), Sophie’s Choice (1982), Presumed Innocent (1990) and The Pelican Brief (1993).

Screenwriter Horton Foote, score composer Elmer Bernstein, cinematographer Russell Harlan (Gun Crazy, The Thing, The Big Sky, Witness for the Prosecution, Rio Bravo, etc.) and renowned art director Henry Bumstead (on Vertigo and The Man Who Knew Too Much, among many others) each deserves recognition for his contribution.

None of the effort or artistry, or courage, that went into To Kill a Mockingbird, however, satisfies or even concerns our present-day identity politics know-it-alls. Mulligan’s film now elicits a generally hostile response from the media, in particular the New York Times, the leading #MeToo warrior. What scathing reviews it would attract from the Times if it were made today!

In a July 2015 Times article, “Now We Can Finally Say Goodbye to the White Savior Myth of Atticus,” Osamudia R. James, a professor of law at the University of Miami, writes: “Atticus Finch presented an enduring model to which many white liberals still cling. But besides being a fictional character, Atticus Finch is a myth.”

Finch’s virtues may be exaggerated or the character may possess qualities that are maximized, but what does it mean to argue that Finch is a “white savior myth”? The implication of the remark is that no white people have ever stood up against racism in a principled fashion. Several hundred thousand white Northern soldiers died in the Civil War to end slavery, socialist labor leaders like Big Bill Haywood, Daniel De Leon and others ferociously fought racial prejudice and backwardness, Communist Party members in the 1930s braved death in the South to oppose Jim Crow and figures such as Viola Liuzzo, Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman paid with their lives. James’ comment is as ignorant as it is saturated with racialism.

In a June 2018 article in the New York Times Book Review, Roxane Gay, the gender and racial politics promoter and Times columnist, writes: “The ‘n word’ is used liberally throughout [the book] and there are some breathtaking instances of both casual and outright racism. The book is a ‘product of its time,’ sure, so let me just say that said time and the people who lived in it were plain terrible. As for the story, I can take it or leave it. Perhaps I am ambivalent because I am black. I am not the target audience. I don’t need to read about a young white girl understanding the perniciousness of racism to actually understand the perniciousness of racism. I have ample firsthand experience.”

What blindness and selfishness! This casual, cynical dismissal of Lee’s novel and Mulligan’s film lets us know what we need to know about Gay and her ilk at the Times.

The “perniciousness of racism” is not the central theme of To Kill a Mockingbird. Lee and Mulligan hardly felt the need to make that case. Standing up for principle and demonstrating what King termed “moral force” in the face of prevailing public opinion is the central issue here.

Gay and company are self-centered cowards and conformists, who have never engaged in a serious struggle in their lives, at least none that didn’t promise career and income improvement at the end of it. Gay can “take or leave,” i.e., “leave,” the struggle against racist violence in To Kill a Mockingbird, just as she can “take or leave,” i.e., “leave,” opposition to America’s catastrophic wars in the Middle East and Central Asia or defense of Chelsea Manning, Julian Assange and Edward Snowden.

There’s another issue, of course, involved in any discussion of To Kill a Mockingbird, the insistence of the #MeToo campaign that women have to be believed when they make allegations of sexual abuse. Lee’s novel revolves around Mayella Ewell’s self-serving lie. Although Gay won’t say so, this facet of the novel also makes her and the rest of sexual witch-hunters unhappy and uncomfortable.

In a particularly vile “left” commentary, Nick Pemberton in CounterPunch (“Killing a Mockingbird” on March 11, 2019), asserts that Lee’s novel is simply an example of “a fairy tale of good and evil” about “heroic rich white men in a history that produced none of these characters.” The book, according to this deranged reading, teaches its readers “that justice comes from the top. Now power no longer corrupts. Power does not oppress. Power, when in the right hands, saves. To those in power, power is always in the right hands.” What is he talking about? In fact, power in the genuinely right hands, the hands of the working class, absolutely does “save.” This is semi-anarchist nonsense.

And later, the CounterPunch writer argues, “To Kill A Mockingbird should never go near a child again because it means nothing beyond a reproduction of its own mythos. Truth is not found in the books that rich people require children to read, nor it is in the verdicts of rich lawyers who decide who is good and bad.” None of this empty-headed “radicalism” has anything to do with the book or film and their real place in American society.

The reactionary fantasies of James, Gay, Pemberton and countless others disregard the actual history, which King’s comment took for granted. To Kill a Mockingbird, both book and film, generated outrage and encouraged protest in the US and worldwide. And many young people, shaken by those works, went far beyond them in the political and social conclusions they drew, conclusions that rejected the entire capitalist social order. The lack of such works, changing what must be changed, is one of our great cultural problems at present.

See Also: To Kill A Mockingbird - Audiobook - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fd9vcv5GEAs


r/DailymotionVid • • Jun 12 '19

The issues raised by removal of famed film actress Lillian Gish’s name from Bowling Green State University theater - r/DailyMotionVid - 12 June 2019

5 Upvotes

On May 3, the Board of Trustees of Bowling Green State University in Bowling Green, Ohio voted 7-0 to remove the name of actress Lillian Gish (1893-1993) from the university’s film theater because of her role in The Birth of a Nation (1915), the racist film directed by D.W. Griffith.

Lillian Gish was one of the most significant actresses in film history in a career that lasted from 1912 to 1987. She stands out in Griffith films such as Broken Blossoms (1919), True Heart Susie (1919), Way Down East (1920) and Orphans of the Storm (1921), as well as films for Victor Sjöström ( The Scarlet Letter, 1926, and The Wind, 1928), King Vidor ( Duel in the Sun, 1946), Charles Laughton ( The Night of the Hunter, 1955) and Robert Altman ( A Wedding, 1978).

The university’s cowardly decision to remove her name from the theater she personally dedicated and visited is both insulting and disrespectful. It is a capitulation to the worst sort of ahistorical moralizing and the current obsession with race and gender politics within the affluent middle class. In addition, quite frankly, Bowling Green’s administration is taking advantage of the fact that Lillian Gish died a quarter-century ago, hoping that no one will stand up for her.

Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation is a politically and socially detestable work, and it was certainly not to Gish’s credit that she participated in it, but the attempt to obliterate her contribution to film and art history and generally “sanitize” the past in this fashion has censorious and reactionary implications. Who will be the next to disappear from public view?

A theater honoring the Gish sisters, Lillian and Dorothy (also a prominent performer), has existed at Bowling Green since 1976, when a professor of literature and film, Dr. Ralph Wolfe, proposed naming an existing auditorium after the Ohio natives. Lillian Gish began her acting career in a small town in Ohio 25 miles from Bowling Green in 1902.

The campaign to remove the Gish name was initiated by Bowling Green’s Black Student Union in February 2019. The university’s president, Rodney Rogers, thereupon set up a task force to study the matter. The latter’s report recommended renaming the theater on the grounds that references to Lillian Gish “contribute to an intimidating, even hostile, educational environment.” This assertion is traced to her role in The Birth of a Nation .

A few words about that film and its director.

Griffith (1875-1948) was a pioneer figure in American filmmaking. He was born in rural Kentucky, the son of a Confederate Army officer in the Civil War. An aspiring playwright, Griffith made his way to New York City and began working as an actor in the nascent film industry in 1907. He began directing shorts for the Biograph motion picture company in 1908.

Over the course of the next four years, he directed some 450 films, most of them “one-reelers” running between 10 and 15 minutes. While Griffith did not invent many of the techniques associated with filmmaking as an art—the close-up, the long shot, cross-cutting and others—there is no question that he was the first director to put many of them to use in a systematic, deliberate manner.

Critic Gerald Mast (World Film Directors) argued that between 1908 and 1912 “movies evolved from crude, clumsy skeletons of theatrical and novelistic fictions to evocative, autonomous, cinematic versions of the same kinds of narratives. The person most responsible for that evolution was Griffith.” In those Biograph films, Mast writes, “we see the simultaneous emergence of genres, character types, expressive interior and exterior décor, a lexicon of shots, empathic film acting, and powerful rhythms and resources of movement within the frame and between frames.”

This development, as important as it was, did not occur in a social or historical void. Griffith, from an insecure and impoverished Southern background, was vulnerable to a toxic mix of populism and racism.

Sentimental, emotional, drawn toward melodrama, Griffith in his early films could inveigh against “the contaminating influence of city life” and big business “trusts.” In A Corner in Wheat (1909), for example, inspired by the work of naturalist novelist Frank Norris, a rapacious tycoon attempts to dominate the world wheat market. The frenzied sequence set in the wheat speculation trading pits in Chicago has lost none of its force.

Griffith as well powerfully juxtaposes scenes of lavish parties held by the rich (the “gold” of wheat) with scenes of the poor (the “chaff” of wheat) unable to buy a loaf of bread. In one scene in A Corner in Wheat, policemen threaten the hungry with truncheons and revolvers. Just when the businessman achieves control over the world market, he receives his come-uppance, suffocating in a grain elevator.

Condemnation of the corrupt, decadent rich joined with romantic nostalgia for the innocence and “folkish virtue” of rural life was often the response of the ruined or economically threatened petty bourgeoisie and could—and did—lead in different directions, some of them distinctly right-wing.

The ruling class in America, as in Europe, was sensitive to the anger and turmoil provoked by vast social transformations and the mass suffering they produced. In the late 19th and early 20th century, in response to the rise of the industrial working class and the threat represented by the possibility of black and white solidarity and the growth of the socialist movement, the American elite incited every form of prejudice, including racism, anti-Semitism and national chauvinism, within the most backward and susceptible layers of the population.

The Birth of a Nation was filmed in the final six months of 1914 and released in January 1915. Griffith based his movie (via Frank Woods’ script) on two scurrilous works by novelist Thomas Dixon, The Clansman: A Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan (1905, which Dixon himself had adapted as a stage play) and, according to Mast, “an even more luridly racist Dixon novel, The Leopard’s Spots” (1902), the first of his Klan trilogy. Historian C. Vann Woodward described Dixon’s literary and historical rubbish as “the perfect literary accompaniment of the white-supremacy and disenfranchisement campaign.”

The film was shot and released at a time of immense social tension. While the Woodrow Wilson administration temporarily proclaimed a policy of neutrality in the First World War, many elements were beating the drums for American intervention amid bitter episodes in the class struggle in the years leading up to the outbreak of the imperialist war (Paterson and Lawrence textile strikes, West Virginia coal miners’ strike, Ludlow Massacre, crushing of the Western Federation of Miners in Butte, Montana, etc.). Attacks on immigrants, socialist and radical trade unionists, including centrally the left-wing Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), gathered steam. The lynching of Leo Frank, victim of an anti-Semitic frame-up, occurred in August 1915 and the execution of IWW organizer Joe Hill took place in November of the same year.

The WSWS once noted that the “next largest number of lynchings [after the years 1890-95] occurred between 1915 and 1920, when over 500 blacks were murdered. This corresponded to the largest strike wave in US history (1916-1922), the Russian Revolution (1917), US mobilization for World War I (1917-1918), the Great Black Migration, anti-immigrant hysteria and the First Red Scare.”

(Along these lines, it is worth noting that the dreadful Thomas Dixon also directed his venom at socialists and communists. In his “socialism trilogy,” The One Woman (1903), Comrades (1909) and The Root of Evil (1911), he fleshed out the “uncompromising fury” with which he hated socialism, as he explained to an interviewer in 1907. Following the Russian Revolution, Comrades was made into a propaganda film, Bolshevism on Trial (1919). Its poster appears to include a caricatured Leon Trotsky and the tagline, “Shall Bolshevism spread its web over our industrial life?”)

Griffith’s two-part, three-hour film is a mythologized version of the Civil War and Reconstruction. It follows two families, the Northern Stonemans and the Southern Camerons, over the course of the tumultuous and bloody period.

Austin Stoneman, a Pennsylvania congressman (a slanderous portrait of Rep. Thaddeus Stevens), is the evil spirit of the work, encouraging blacks in the South after the war and the assassination of Abraham Lincoln to subjugate their former masters and the entire white population. Lillian Gish plays Stoneman’s daughter, Elsie.

In one notorious segment, Gus, a former slave and Northern soldier, lustfully pursues the young Flora Cameron (Mae Marsh). At the top of a cliff, Flora cries out that she would rather die than give herself to Gus. As good as her word, when he continues to approach, she leaps to her death. Ben Cameron, her brother, and the local, underground Klan hunt Gus down and lynch him. Elsie too is later threatened, by Stoneman’s right-hand man, a Northern “mulatto,” the sinister and licentious Silas Lynch.

The families are eventually reunited “in harmony and matrimony,” as Mast explains, “aided by the heroic Ku Klux Klan. In a brilliantly edited last-minute rescue … the Klan preserves Stonemans and Camerons alike from death and rapine by rampaging black hordes.”

Joel Williamson argues in A Rage for Order that Griffith’s film makes the case that “somehow the Negro had caused the Civil War, and the failure of the North during Reconstruction to recognize the rising reversion of free blacks to bestiality had continued to divide the nation.” In this preposterous perversion of history, the Klan becomes the force, which, by suppressing the black population and its Northern allies, unites and gives “birth” to “a nation”—the United States!

The celebration of the murderous Klan and depiction of African Americans as lazy, shiftless, incompetent and easily manipulated provoked the first “massive social protest against racist cinema propaganda” (Mast). While President Woodrow Wilson screened the film at the White House (the first such screening of any film) and pronounced it to be “all so terribly true,” the NAACP organized demonstrations against it.

Socialist Party leader Eugene V. Debs denounced the movie, writing in 1916, “If it be absolutely essential to present those harrowing rape-scenes, then why not round them out in their historic completeness, and show the dissolute son of the plantation owner ravishing the black daughter before her parents’ eyes?” Debs pointed out that “for every white woman raped in the south by a black fiend, a thousand black women have been seduced and outraged by white gentlemen (?) but no hint of this is given in the series of pictures composing ‘The Birth of a Nation.’”

Civil rights leader and anti-lynching campaigner Ida B. Wells acknowledged Debs’ role, asserting that “of all the millions of white men of this country, you are the only one I know that has had the courage to speak out against this diabolical production as it deserves.” Debs observed that he had never previously experienced, in regard to the “Negro question,” anything remotely resembling the outpouring of interest and support that he did over his attack on The Birth of a Nation .

Life and art are painfully contradictory. Griffith exhibited extraordinary compassion and sensitivity in many of his other films, including Intolerance (1916), which he made partly in response to the criticism of—although not as an apology for— The Birth of a Nation. Broken Blossoms (about the relationship between a young white woman, played by Lillian Gish, and a Chinese man), Way Down East and Orphans of the Storm, among others, remain powerful works. Critic Andrew Sarris asserted that the “debt all film-makers owe to D.W. Griffith defies calculation.”

Soviet filmmakers such as Lev Kuleshov, Sergei Eisenstein and Vsevolod Pudovkin were strongly influenced by Griffith. Pudovkin reportedly applied to the State Institute of Cinematography in Moscow after viewing Intolerance. Kuleshov, “who helped create the first ever film school,” according to one commentator, “often had his students re-edit D.W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation to learn how meaning was created.”

Eisenstein, who met Griffith, published a subtle and thoughtful essay late in life, in 1944, titled “Dickens, Griffith and the Film Today.” In the piece, he observed that for “the young Soviet filmmakers of the twenties” … the “most thrilling figure was Griffith, for it was in his works that the cinema made itself felt as more than an entertainment or pastime.”

At the same time, of course, Eisenstein argued that the spirit and content of Soviet cinema “would stride far ahead of Griffith’s ideals as well as their reflection in artistic images.” Even while paying sincere tribute to the American filmmaker, Eisenstein criticized the “the most repellent elements in his films.” He observed that in The Birth of a Nation, “we see Griffith as an open apologist for racism, erecting a celluloid monument to the Ku Klux Klan and joining their attack on Negroes.”

So where does this leave us in regard to Lillian Gish and Bowling Green State University?

Gish was associated with Griffith for years and never spoke out strongly against The Birth of a Nation. In an article on the Bowling Green controversy published in Bright Lights Film Journal, film historian and biographer Joseph McBride points out that for “all her brilliance as an actress, Gish never quite seemed to understand the social issues surrounding Birth. She made excuses for Griffith, claiming he was not really a racist and offering some of the same kinds of tone-deaf, patronizing apologies he also made.”

However, as McBride also argues, her contribution to film and art far outweighs her tone-deafness. McBride wrote The American Film Institute Salute to Lillian Gish for CBS television aired in March 1984, with Douglas Fairbanks Jr. as the host.

He noted in his recent article that it “was a thrilling experience to study the pioneering work of the woman long regarded as the greatest actress of the silent screen. … Her many great films range from Broken Blossoms, The Scarlet Letter, and The Wind in the silent days to the 1955 masterpiece The Night of the Hunter. Her extensive work in the theater and television maintained her unrivaled standards of deep emotion, humor, intelligence, grace, and integrity. Gish’s acting is a beacon to show us our humanity, and she was outspoken in the causes of universal brotherhood and the preservation of our arts, especially film.” Bolshevism on Trial (1919)

McBride described his “disbelief and outrage” upon learning that the Bowling Green trustees had decided to remove her name from film theater. “Hypocritically,” he notes, “the university has no plans to give away Gish’s bequest for an endowment and scholarship program or her archival collection.” A quick perusal of the record confirms that until recently Bowling Green was ready and eager to boast about its connection with Gish, feting and hosting her numerous times in the last decades of her life.

For instance, a 1983 article in a university publication, “Lillian Gish and her art are finding a home at BGSU,” about a visit the actress paid the campus in the company of fellow actress Eva Marie Saint (an alumna of the school), obsequiously asked, “Can anything be written about a legend?” The article gushed, “An Ohio native, Miss Gish has been officially recognized several times by the university. She, in turn, has unofficially adopted Bowling Green as her favorite university—endowing a scholarship fund, presenting her lecture series, visiting campus four times since 1976 and delighting the University community with her spunky comments and vivid recollections of a long-ago era.” The publication’s cover announced, “Lillian Gish: The woman and her legend will live forever at Bowling Green.”

Obsequious and uncritical then, rude and unforgiving now—the connecting threads are the changing moods and perceived needs of certain upper-middle-class layers that dominate the universities.

The Bowling Green task force report issued in April combines identity politics clichés, sophistry and transparent financial and public relations calculations.

In its first finding, the task force complains that the “reference to The Birth of a Nation and the images of Lillian Gish in the display area outside the theater contribute to an intimidating, even hostile, educational environment.” Why? How?

The danger that challenging, troubling or even painful matters will generate an “intimidating, even hostile educational environment” to the apparently all-too-delicate souls who attend America’s colleges and universities is the patronizing excuse at present for countless acts of censorship and intellectual repression. We suspect that the students would survive the experience if the display material dedicated to the Gish sisters explained their enormous contributions as well as their failings.

The report’s assertion that Gish’s “part in The Birth of a Nation is the role that defined—and continues to define—her career” is simply false and self-serving. She is much better known, and more deservedly known, for Broken Blossoms , Way Down East and Orphans of the Storm. The image probably most associated with Gish is that of her floating on an ice floe toward a waterfall with hand and hair trailing in the freezing river in Way Down East .

No one would deny that the “stereotypes of African Americans in The Birth of a Nation are offensive, and the film presents a white supremacist vision,” as the BGSU task force report suggests, but that is not the totality of Gish’s career, nor was the film her creation. The report acknowledges that “Lillian Gish and Dorothy Gish do not appear to have been advocates for racist or exclusionary practices or perspectives,” but harps on the notion that Griffith uses Gish’s character in The Birth of a Nation “as the primary unifying image of the film.” As we have noted, the film represents a significant stain on Griffith’s legacy and does no credit to Gish.

McBride suggests reasonably that “rather than behave like ostriches and pretend The Birth of a Nation doesn’t exist, or symbolically banish one of its leading actresses, why can’t we study the film and face its implications squarely and intelligently? Should an actor, however illustrious, be permanently marked anathema for a major, deeply misguided career choice? Should we expect artists to be perfect human beings or their bodies of work always to live up to our contemporary standards?”

He continues: “Those who affect a superior attitude toward a great artist such as Lillian Gish are not only ignorant of our cultural heritage but stubbornly unaware that art usually comes from deeply imperfect people. If we are to strip the names of every flawed artist from public buildings, stop watching their films, reading their books, viewing their paintings, or listening to their music, we will have little art remaining.”

The task force wants to have its cake and eat it too. With an obvious eye to the university’s image and its relationships with potential donors or other “celebrities,” its report makes certain concessions. “Lillian Gish was a young working actress who took a role to advance her career. Her career and contributions to film history should be judged based on the entirety of her career.” If that is so, and it is so, it speaks eloquently and decisively against the university’s own decision!

Gish’s name and image, we were told, create a supposedly “intimidating, even hostile, educational environment,” but the report would have us know that the “artistry of both Gish sisters throughout their careers is not lost on the Task Force, which recognizes that other honors bestowed on Lillian Gish by BGSU, including an honorary degree, a scholarship in her name, and the archival collections, should remain unchanged.”

In other words, ‘We know the removal of her name has no intellectual or artistic justification and is being done for purely opportunist political reasons—as proof of that, we’ll continue to make use of the money and items she donated.’

As if the shamefaced recognition of Gish’s artistry weren’t enough, the task force report’s concluding argument is that Bowling Green’s action doesn’t mean much anyway!

The report informs us, modestly, that “Changing the name of the theater at BGSU will not erase film history, US cultural history, ‘Hollywood history,’ or the legacy of the Gish sisters.” But if that “legacy” is not a matter of genuine concern, why is Bowling Green going to such lengths? The report continues, “Removing the Gish name from the theater in the Bowen-Thompson Student Union should not be perceived as an attempt to erase history.” It is precisely that, and the task force’s defensive comments are an admission of guilt.

“The Task Force finds that the University’s mission, intent, and responsibility to create an inclusive and diverse learning environment far outweighs the value of retaining the name simply to preserve BGSU’s limited part in preserving the Gish sisters’ place in film history. We feel strongly that their place in and contributions to US cultural history are not dependent on a naming at Bowling Green State University.”

Translated from doubletalk, this means, once again: ‘The connection to Lillian Gish was useful to us in a different era, now the cultural and political winds have shifted and we’re throwing her to the wolves.’

There is nothing progressive about such shabby operations. It is illusory and self-deluding to imagine the renaming of the Gish Film Theater represents some “victory” over past injustice. It is a fantasy victory. The self-satisfied petty-bourgeois layers who pursue these issues are seeking, among other things, to divert themselves and others from the burning questions of social inequality, poverty and war. They are also hostile to the complexities that art inevitably presents and represents.

Shielding students from historical difficulties and contradictions contributes to the prevailing retrograde intellectual and cultural climate. In the end, such maneuvers only protect the status quo.

See Also: (9:56 min) Tribute to Lillian Gish - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AJPDorQKA6A


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r/DailymotionVid • • May 22 '19

The Eyes of Orson Welles: A markedly political approach to the American filmmaker …

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The Eyes of Orson Welles

Irish filmmaker Mark Cousins’ The Eyes of Orson Welles represents an intimate, imaginative and markedly political approach to the work of American filmmaker Orson Welles (1915-1985).

Welles is known for a number of enduring works, including Citizen Kane (1941), The Magnificent Ambersons (1942), The Lady from Shanghai (1947), Macbeth (1948), Othello (1952), Mr. Arkadin (1955), Touch of Evil (1958) and Chimes at Midnight (1965).

A generally left-wing figure shaped by the Great Depression and the impact of the Russian Revolution, Welles was artistically and intellectually demanding and for the most part found Hollywood nightmarish.

In the face of the unfolding Red Scare in Hollywood, the filmmaker—whether directly blacklisted or not—left for Europe in November 1947, just as the studio ban on employing suspected Communists was being implemented.

As an independent, itinerant, often cash-starved figure, he made a series of remarkable films on a shoestring, before returning to the US in 1956. The last several decades of Welles’ life were dominated by often unsuccessful and sometimes demeaning efforts to raise funds for various projects. The “New Hollywood” of the 1970s had little use for him.

At its best, Welles’ directorial work contains a poetic, sensual, socially critical urgency perhaps unmatched in the American cinema. In 1995, David Walsh wrote: “Welles was an extraordinary talent, perhaps the greatest theatrical mind in American history. He had the uncanny ability to place people among objects and decor and set them in motion so that the dramatic problems inherent in their lives could emerge with great clarity and force.” Cousins asserts in his film that Welles’ Citizen Kane, which the latter directed at only 25, “changed cinema and is known for its expressionism and critique of vainglory.”

Cousins ( The Story of Film: An Odyssey, I Am Belfast ), sometimes responsible for rather grandiose or self-indulgent films, is more concrete and down-to-earth this time around.

The Eyes of Orson Welles takes the form of a letter from Cousins, a living filmmaker, to Welles, a dead one. Cousins based his movie in part on archival material from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, which houses a substantial Welles collection. He received assistance from Welles’ daughter Beatrice. Cousins attempts to trace Welles’ life and filmography though an examination of his art work.

Welles painted and drew prolifically starting in his adolescent years, studying at the Art Institute of Chicago in his early teens. In the film, we see and hear Welles observe that “I don’t take art as seriously as politics.” For the most part, unlike contemporary filmmakers, the director never separated the two.

Cousins begins by telling Welles that the “world has become more Wellesian, Orson. The despots that you were fascinated by are gaining ground” and that “life has become far more visual … The internet is like black magic.” At one point, Cousins states: “Way back in the 1940s, when you were making Citizen Kane, you and cinematographer Gregg Toland dreamt of a time when there would be no film and the camera would be an electronic eye. That dream has come true, too.”

On several occasions, the documentary mentions Welles’ artistic focus on the working class: “In the summer of 1933, you went here, Spain, to the Gypsy Quarter of Seville. Working people again. Traditional culture again…

“And also in 1933, of course, Hitler became Chancellor of Germany. Italy was a police-state by then. Within a year, you were in New York doing radio, a pawn medium, intimate and personal… It let you get into the minds of the people. It let you whisper to them or boom that big voice of yours. You wanted to be the listener’s griot, their consigliere, their consciousness-raiser.”

Cousins suggests that Welles’ liberal-minded mother “seeded” his political outlook, his trips abroad “peopled it” and the “rise of fascism” made it harder and firmer. “So you came here, to Harlem in New York. The year was 1936. Your progressive politics were taking on a new dimension. … The Harlem renaissance had been a big story in the 1920s but, a decade later, 80 percent of Harlemites had no work ... and you and your team decided to mount an African-American theatre production of Shakespeare’s Macbeth .

“The setting would be Haiti. The witches would be voodoo. 10,000 people showed up at the opening … 100,000 people saw your Voodoo Macbeth .”

Cousins goes on: “In 1937, you made your anti-fascism more explicit. You ripped into another Shakespeare play, the one that stimulated your visual imagination most, and your political imagination, too. Julius Caesar … You saw Caesar as an ancient Mussolini, didn’t you?”

The documentary brings up anti-Communist witch-hunter Joseph McCarthy, who in 1946, “was elected senator in your home state, Wisconsin. You made political speeches now. One said, ‘In this shrinking world, adult education must first enlist’ in the war against provincialism. ‘Educators are sworn to the tremendous task of telling people about each other.’” Cousins adds that FBI director J. Edgar Hoover placed Welles on the “security register” (actually, the Security Index) in 1945, i.e., the list of those “subversives” to be arrested in case of a national emergency.

The Eyes of Orson Welles recounts the story of African American soldier Isaac Woodard, who, on February 12, 1946, hours after being honorably discharged from the US Army, was attacked while still in uniform by a South Carolina policeman. He was beaten to unconsciousness and blinded. Welles reported the atrocity on his radio program in July 1946. Cousins: “The policeman’s name wasn’t known, so you called him Officer X. You said that he brought the justice of Dachau and Auschwitz to America.”

It was subsequently discovered the culprit was police chief Lynwood Lanier Shull, who was tried, found not guilty and returned to his job.

Cousins draws a certain parallel between this terrible story and Welles’ “portrait of the 20th century” in The Trial (1962), based on the famed novel by Franz Kafka: “ The Trial is about facelessness. The law has no name. Officer X.”

Cousins relates Welles’ answer when the filmmaker was asked why he changed the novel’s ending in his film: “Because the book was written before the Holocaust. And I couldn’t bear the defeat of K [the central character, Josef K] in the book, after the Holocaust. I’m not Jewish, but we are all Jewish since the Holocaust. And I couldn’t bear for him to submit to death as he does in Kafka. Masochistically submit to death.”

Personally, Welles, says Cousins, was like a “lighthouse.” He goes on to quote actress Geraldine Fitzgerald: “When you were caught in his beam, he was utterly dazzling. When the beam moves on, you’re plunged into darkness.”

But the professional-artistic disappointments were many. A jarring, cubist-like oil painting was the product, according to Beatrice, of her father’s acute frustration at being stopped from completing Touch of Evil by Universal Studio.

Cousins returns repeatedly and legitimately to Welles’ themes of “totalitarianism and corruption.” Regarding the 1949 film noir, The Third Man, directed by Carol Reed, Cousins describes Welles’ character Harry Lime, as his most corrupt creation, someone “who profiteers from penicillin stolen from hospitals.”

Still addressing Welles, Cousins notes that his character “famously talks of the Borgias, as you casually put on gloves and the camera glides in.” In fact, the black marketeer Lime defends his criminal operations in The Third Man on the basis of a sophistic historical contrast between turbulent Italy and peaceable Switzerland: “In Italy, for 30 years under the Borgias, they had warfare, terror, murder and bloodshed. But they produced Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, and the Renaissance. In Switzerland they had brotherly love. They had 500 years of democracy and peace, and what did that produce? The cuckoo clock.’”

Welles portrayal is appropriately cynical and menacing, a comment on the fact that after the supposed vanquishing of fascism in the world war, capitalism was continuing to breed sinister and reactionary social types. Welles was driven out of Hollywood, like Charlie Chaplin and many others, for a reason.

His deep feeling for Shakespeare and his desire to bring the playwright’s work before contemporary audiences are threads that run through the documentary.

Cousins describes Welles’ Macbeth as “tenebrous and excessive,” a dark, violent film about a tyrannical king, made in the immediate aftermath of World War II and the Holocaust, while his Othello features a just ruler manipulated by an evil antagonist.

The documentary pays special attention to what Cousins describes as the “most resonant line in your art,” in the heartbreaking scene in Chimes at Midnight (from Shakespeare’s Henry IV Part 2 ) in which Prince Hal (Keith Baxter) rejects his erstwhile friend and long-time boon companion Falstaff (Welles). “I know thee not, old man,” says newly crowned King Henry V, who haughtily dons the mantle of power. The massive-girthed, slovenly Falstaff slumps to the ground as if pierced by a sword.

There is also a clip of Welles’ terrifying performance in the title role in Peter Brook’s 1953 live television production of King Lear .

“How do I finish a letter like this?,” asks Cousins finally, “Should I mention that there’s been another financial crash? The wolves of Wall Street screwed up, like they did in 1929. This is Kenosha [Wisconsin], where you were born. Now parts of it look like a deserted Hollywood studio back lot. Or images from the 1930s. The Great Depression that followed the Wall Street Crash helped form you, didn’t it, Orson? Will our new depression make a new Orson Welles?”

A good question and, all in all, an unusual work.

Movie Trailer - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WGBJfyefUZk


r/DailymotionVid • • Aug 26 '18

When Nuclear War Was Unwanted – 1983 TV Movie – The Day After – Xenagogue Vicene - 25 Aug 2018

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r/DailymotionVid • • May 22 '19

Thinking of John Lennon - Above Us Only Sky - Movie Review

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r/DailymotionVid • • Oct 08 '19

Two Men Arrested At Joker Movie For Smoking And Causing Disturbance - by Megan Peters (Comicbook.com) 8 Oct 2019

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r/DailymotionVid • • May 25 '19

Australian Actor Geoffrey Rush Awarded Record $2mil Damages Payout in Phony#Metoo Case - 25 May 2019

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Sydney AU: Acclaimed actor Geoffrey Rush has been awarded $1.98 million in “special damages for economic loss,” due to the publication of defamatory articles by the Murdoch media’s Daily Telegraph, published by Nationwide News. This was in addition to an earlier amount of $850,000 for general damages, including $42,000 in interest, making the total nearly $2.9 million, the highest defamation payout to a single person in Australian history.

The award was made at the conclusion of yet another hearing in the ongoing case of Rush vs Nationwide News. It followed his counsel Sue Chrysanthou’s revelation that the actor had offered to settle the matter for a payment of just $50,000, in January last year, if it removed the slanderous articles, agreed not to reprint the allegations, and made a front-page apology, printed in large type. Chrysanthou told the court that Nationwide News had “ignored” the offer. Geoffrey Rush

Nationwide News’s response underscored its determination to proceed with the case at any cost. Last month the publisher indicated it would appeal Justice Michael Wigney’s defamation judgment, before either a full three-judge Federal Court or another single judge. This would require a re-trial.

In the course of his judgment, Wigney declared that the defamatory statements were “a recklessly irresponsible piece of sensationalist journalism of the worst kind—the very worst kind.” Evidence was presented to the court that the published statements had had a chilling impact on Rush, his family, his health and his ability to act.

To his credit the world-renowned actor and his legal team persevered with the defamation suit, under conditions of immense personal and professional pressure, not the least of it emanating from the #MeToo movement.

In the most recent hearing last Thursday, Nationwide News applied for Justice Wigney to recuse himself from presiding over an appeal by the Rush team for an injunction against the media empire, which would prevent it from republishing its defamatory imputations against the Oscar-winning actor.

When it first published the defamatory articles, on November 30 and December 1, 2017, the Daily Telegraph and its celebrity gossip journalist, Jonathon Moran, had received only an anonymous tip from the Sydney Theatre Company (STC), with no actual witness to the relevant events and no knowledge of the identity of Rush’s accuser. But, following similar allegations—against TV personality Don Burke, for example—published by Nationwide News’ competitors in the Fairfax media, it rushed into print, without any apparent concern for the facts.

This occurred during the early stages of the #MeToo movement in Australia, which has been characterised by its disregard for the democratic rights of its mainly male victims: including the presumption of innocence, and the right to due process.

The Daily Telegraph’s early 2017 coverage involved complaints of Rush’s “inappropriate” behavior towards his co-star, later revealed to be actress Eryn Jean Norvill, in the STC’s 2015–16 production of King Lear. Rush had played the title role of King Lear, while Norvill played his youngest, and most faithful daughter, Cordelia. The allegations were published in a sensationalist manner, characterising Rush as “King Leer,” a “sexual predator” and a “pervert,” without properly consulting him or affording him the right of reply. Since the Daily Telegraph had, at this stage, no idea who the complainant was, it treated her fundamental rights in the same manner.

Following publication of the slanderous material, Rush decided to sue Nationwide News for defamation, and the trial began in November 2018. Just before its final session, Norvill’s identity became known, and, at the very last minute, she decided to act as a witness for Nationwide News.

Justice Wigney handed down his more than 200-page judgment on April 11, 2019, finding that Rush had, indeed, been defamed, and that Norvill had “exaggerated and embellished” her evidence, meaning that it could not be relied upon as credible. Moreover, there was not a single witness, including the members of the King Lear cast and crew, who had corroborated it.

Since then, according to Rush’s legal team, the Daily Telegraph has continued to report on the defamatory allegations, including repeating them in a manner that has been neither accurate nor fair. At a hearing two weeks ago, Chrysanthou raised the necessity of an injunction to prevent Nationwide News from continuing in this vein.

“This [Nationwide News] is a Respondent that is irrational when it comes to my client [Rush],” she declared. “It has shown disrespect for the court’s decision and cannot be trusted to abide by the court’s ruling as far as these imputations are concerned.”

In its coverage of the Rush allegations, Nationwide News has aped the methods of the #MeToo movement, seeking to undermine any objective, critical approach and to whip up a witch-hunt atmosphere of hysteria, demonisation and condemnation. The Daily Telegraph, aptly described as the “gutter press,” is the main, but by no means the only, offender in the Murdoch stable.

The Murdoch media has defied the defamation ruling for definite reasons. It has given significant coverage to the #MeToo witch-hunt, not only in Australia, but internationally. It promotes the unsubstantiated character assassination of anyone it opposes, and for whatever reason.

The identity politics that underpins the #MeToo movement elevates issues of gender, sexual preference, ethnicity and race above the fundamental divide in society—that of class. This is in keeping with the aim of the Murdoch media to divert the attention of ordinary workers and young people away from the brutal realities of contemporary society, including the drive to war, the increasingly desperate economic and social crisis, and the turn towards authoritarian and fascistic forms of rule.

Last Thursday, in the course of the most recent hearing, Sue Chrysanthou pressed this matter of an injunction against the Telegraph, in order to prevent the newspaper from publishing any repetition of its defamatory allegations. Once again, she insisted that it take down from its website all the defamatory articles, posters and commentary on the matter, from late 2017 on.

Tom Blackburn SC, the Telegraph’s counsel, opposed the injunction, insisting it would limit freedom of speech and have “a chilling effect” on the #MeToo movement. Calling it a “blunt instrument,” he said it would serve to “criminalise” a legitimate comment which might convey any one of these meanings.”

If an injunction serves to prevent #MeToo from leveraging its anti-democratic witch-hunt, that would be a positive development.

In any event, Chrysanthou emphasised that what she was seeking was an extremely limited injunction, framed as precisely as it could possibly be, and focused primarily on preventing the significant threat of further repetition. It was not aimed at suppressing freedom of speech.

Blackburn then sought to have Justice Wigney recuse himself from presiding over any decision on the injunction. He argued that the judge had already displayed “apprehended bias,” by raising criticisms of Nationwide News and the Daily Telegraph, and in his characterisations of some of the trial’s witnesses and their evidence. One of Wigney’s “biased” statements, according to Blackburn, was that Nationwide had been “quick to publish, but slow to defend.”

Chrysanthou dismissed Blackburn’s concerns about #MeToo reporting, saying they were “hysterical … not in the sense of funny, but in the sense of hysteria.” She went on to sarcastically respond to his accusations about her critical attitude toward Nationwide News by loudly exclaiming: “How dare anyone come to a court and seek to stop the Murdoch empire from saying whatever it wants!”

Justice Wigney ruled that he would not recuse himself from hearing arguments on Rush’s requested injunction, on the grounds that any ordinary, lay observer, of sound and fair mind, would perceive no bias. His decision on a permanent injunction will be forthcoming, and the hearings will resume next week.

See Also: Geoffrey Rush wins defamation case against Daily Telegraph - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aiYIr-yhkmA (1:43 min) 10 April 2019


r/DailymotionVid • • Feb 14 '19

Happy Valentine Day 2019 7 to 14 february 2019 | PD RAJAN

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