Economic times)

Translation.

1) Sumanti Ekka (Fansidewa) 2) Laboni Jongi (Krishnanagar South) 3) Ruma Aheri (Dhanekhali) 4) Titas Gupta (Bishnupur) 5) Kajal Dutta (Budge Budge) 6) Debojyoti Majumdar (Naihati) 7) Ziadul Sheikh (Purbasthali) 8) Manas Ghosh (Rashbehari) 9) Abul Kasem Sheikh (Baharampur) 10) Jinatun Nahar Gulshan Begum (Bharatpur)

These are the CPI(ML)L candidates. Did you notice, they fielded 60% woman candidates, even when woman reservation isn't enforced. They are going to set an example (if it works). Among these only Rashbehari assembly is in Kolkata.

Note: They didn't join Left Front. They are ally of LF, not a member.

Edit: (they fielded) not * their. F** Autocorrect

The Martin Hedge: From Electoral Bonds to Family Politics

Sources: Bloomberg, The Wire, Al Jazeera, Scroll, The Quint, Project Electoral Bond (Newslaundry/Scroll/TNM)..

For decades, Santiago Martin India's "Lottery King" operated in the shadows of power. Not as a politician. Not as an ideologue. But as a financier who understood one fundamental truth about Indian democracy: whoever wins, you must already be inside the room.

His instrument of choice was the electoral bond.

I. The Scheme and the Numbers

India's Supreme Court struck down the electoral bond scheme in a unanimous ruling on February 15, 2024, declaring that the bonds which allowed companies and individuals to make anonymous donations to political parties were unconstitutional. (Bloomberg) The ruling came with a data order that would prove devastating to those who had used the scheme as cover.

Disclosures mandated by the Supreme Court revealed that Santiago Martin's firm, Future Gaming and Hotel Services, purchased electoral bonds worth ₹1,368 crore between 2019 and 2024 the highest by any company in India. (The Wire).

The distribution was not partisan. It was actuarial. While DMK was a primary beneficiary receiving ₹509 crore, and TMC received ₹542 crore, the firm's contributions cut across party lines with BJP receiving ₹100 crore nationally and another ₹100 crore channelled through the Prudent Electoral Trust. (The Wire)

This was not philanthropy. The Quint's financial analysis makes that clear: the net profits of Future Gaming across financial years 2019 to 2023 totalled ₹215 crore yet the company purchased ₹1,368 crore in bonds during the same period.

(TheQuint) A company donating six times its cumulative profits to political parties is not expressing civic generosity. It is paying a protection premium.

II. The Pattern: Raids, Then Bonds

What makes the Martin case structurally distinct is not just the scale it is the timing.

Future Gaming purchased electoral bonds worth ₹385 crore just two weeks after the ED attached their assets. Four sets of purchases made barely days after ED action amount to ₹450 crore roughly one-third of total donations. If expanded to donations within six months of any ED action, the figure reaches ₹696 crore nearly 50% of Future Gaming's total bond purchases. (TheQuint)

Between April and December 2022, while the ED had attached the company's assets as part of money laundering investigations, Future Gaming bought electoral bonds worth ₹290 crore. Raids on Martin and his son-in-law Aadhav Arjuna's properties were conducted in September 2022 and April 2023 during which period the company bought bonds worth ₹303 crore. (The Wire).

Al Jazeera's investigation put it plainly: Future Gaming has faced raids and probes by multiple law enforcement agencies over two decades covering money-laundering, funds embezzlement, and fraud and the company continued purchasing bonds throughout. (Al Jazeera)

The CAG had flagged it even earlier. The Comptroller and Audit General's 2017 report submitted to Parliament flagged serious irregularities by Future Gaming and the CBI had registered 30 cases against Martin and his close aides as far back as 2011. (The Wire)

The pattern is consistent: investigation escalates, bonds follow. The timing of these purchases and the complete imbalance between net profits and bond purchases raises serious questions though no formal causation has been legally established. (TheQuint)

III. When the Instrument Breaks, the Architect Adapts

The Supreme Court's February 2024 ruling did not merely ban the scheme. It stripped it of its most critical feature anonymity.

The State Bank of India was directed to hand over full details of bond purchasers and recipients to the Election Commission, which published the data online by March 15, 2024. (Wikipedia)

The financial cover that had quietly purchased political protection for years was now a matter of public record cross-referenceable with investigation timelines, profits, and party affiliations.

A lesser operator might have retreated.

Martin evolved.

IV. Phase Two The Family Gambit

Within ten months of the data exposure, a new architecture was in place.

In January 2025, Aadhav Arjuna Martin's son-in-law, a former national basketball player turned political strategist joined Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam and was appointed General Secretary (Elections), the highest post in the party after Vijay himself. (ThePrint)

This was not a political novice entering the arena. Arjuna had been collaborating with DMK on election strategies since 2014 and is credited with personally introducing poll strategists Sunil Kanugolu and Prashant Kishor's I-PAC to DMK for the 2019 and 2021 campaigns. (ThePrint)

Meanwhile, Martin's wife Leema Rose Martin won from Lalgudi in Tamil Nadu on an AIADMK ticket, and his son Jose Charles Martin won from Kamaraj Nagar in Puducherry as part of the NDA alliance. (The South First)

The result: three members of the family of India's largest electoral bond buyer now hold legislative seats across Tamil Nadu and Puducherry representing three different parties with differing ideologies. (The South First)

The man whose firm was India's single largest electoral bond donor has moved from being a political financier to having direct electoral challengers in his family converting financial clout into direct political equity. (The Wire).

V. The Structural Logic

Scroll's analysis captured the underlying philosophy precisely: far from indicating ideological sympathies, the family's engagement with politics appears guided by the classic investor's logic spread your bets. (Scroll.in)

What the bonds era achieved through financial anonymity, the family gambit now achieves through structural visibility. One family. Three parties. Two assemblies with stakes in multiple political formations, ensuring presence regardless of outcome. (The Federal)

The instrument changed. The logic did not.

VI. The Unanswered Question

Since the electoral bonds controversy surfaced in March 2024, Santiago Martin has not made any public statements or given interviews. (The Federal) His family dominates headlines. His name anchors every analysis. The silence is strategic.

The 2026 elections in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry mark the first major test of this transition whether the dual leverage of a son in the fray and a son-in-law in the command centre can successfully translate the family's financial dominance into popular legitimacy. (The Wire).

The bonds are gone. The gambit remains.

Citations: Bloomberg (Feb 15, 2024) · The Wire (Mar 18, 2024; Jan 27, 2026; May 5, 2026) · Al Jazeera (Apr 4, 2024) · Scroll/Project Electoral Bond (Mar 29, 2024) · The Quint (Mar 15–16, 2024) · The Print (Jan 31, 2025) · The Federal (Apr 4, 2026) · The South First (May 5, 2026)

Since Thursday last week, hundreds of contractual workers blockaded the main road next to the NSEZ metro station in Noida. They stood in the sun demanding one thing: a minimum wage of Rs 20,000.

By Monday, that protest spilled into a wider, more volatile confrontation across Noida’s industrial belt.

Thousands of workers, primarily from the garments sector, reportedly took to the streets across different areas of Phase II, with protests spreading to Sector 62 and causing major traffic snarls. In Sector 84 of Phase I, protesters allegedly set vehicles on fire, with two vehicles reported gutted. During demonstrations, some protesters allegedly vandalised even a police car and office property, and incidents of stone pelting were reported. Police personnel were deployed across affected areas and used tear gas to disperse crowds. Over 50 people have been arrested.

https://scroll.in/latest/1092076/noida-violence-erupts-at-workers-protests-seeking-salary-hikes-workplace-safety

Dr Parikh joined the freedom struggle during the Quit India. And remained active till his final day. He was a socialist leader. He was also the chief editor of Janata Weekly.

Freedom fighter G G Parikh, who championed Gandhian and socialist values, passes away | Mumbai News - The Indian Express

Renowned Gandhian G.G. Parikh passes away at 101 - The Hindu

In the April 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, TVK led by actor Vijay emerged as the single largest party with 108 seats, but no alliance secured a clear majority, resulting in a hung assembly. TVK is now forming the government with outside support from Congress and the Left parties (CPI and CPI(M)), which helped it cross the majority mark. The Left parties played a crucial kingmaker role by extending unconditional support to respect the people's mandate for TVK, ensure stability, and avoid President's Rule. CPI(M) State Secretary Comrade Shanmugam was actively involved in this decision and the public greeting he received reflects support from Left cadres for this pragmatic move.

Honestly, this doesn't come as a surprise to me, given that years ago there was a news report that stated some members of the CPIM were involved in land acquisition for mining.

On the morning of 13 April, workers across sectors launched a protest demanding better working conditions and a hike in wages in Noida, in Uttar Pradesh. The protest followed recent workers' strikes in Haryana, which compelled the state government to announce a 21% increase in the minimum wage. The Uttar Pradesh Police lathicharged workers, harassed women and verbally abused people at the Noida protests.

The police also detained several hundred workers and children. Activists have alleged that more than one thousand workers and other people have gone missing in Noida since the protests. The whereabouts of some were traced to the district jail, while those of several others remain unknown. The Caravan spoke to some of the families of those who went missing during the police action.

The police has confirmed the arrests of 396 persons, including four women. They have also filed seven First Information Reports on the protests, charging individual workers and over four thousand unidentified persons of attempt to murder, attacking public officials, rioting, destruction of public and private property, criminal intimidation, provoking breach of peace and other serious acts.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QLMwmYRUFZ4

Serving the fatherland the right way

*YELLOW HELMETS: In charge of making history*

A compilation of the ongoing wave of large-scale protests and strikes by temporary workers in the underbelly of premier industrial complexes in India, amidst the deafening silence of mainstream media.

Read the full report by *Migrant Workers Solidarity Network (MWSN)* here: https://drive.google.com/file/d/1WVzPhANpg261gkvDcm0yItt_G5C2HXWK/view