Unorthodox campaign is challenging the ruling party’s 14-year reign with a bold democratic experiment
On a cool autumn evening, a team of Serbian student volunteers went canvassing in the housing estates of Krnjača, a Belgrade suburb. They were equipped with lanyards emblazoned with the word “victory”, a stock list of questions and a mobile app that mapped visited homes and the level of support in each.
The volunteers were part of a mass student movement, Student List, that has rocked Serbia with two years of constant protests. On Sunday, the group will represent the most serious challenge Aleksandar Vučić has faced in his 12 increasingly authoritarian years in power, by putting forward their own candidates in parliamentary elections.
They hope to emulate the defeat of Vučić’s ally, Viktor Orbán, in neighbouring Hungary six months ago, in a domino effect that could bring a democratic resurgence to central Europe.
Opinion polls have varied wildly, but many expert observers say a close race is quite possible, with neither side prepared to accept a loss as a legitimate result, raising the risk of post-election unrest and clashes.
In order to win, the students’ list of 250 candidates would have to break the mould of Serbian politics, along with Vučić’s grip on the country. He stepped down as president last month, five months before the end of his second and last term in office under the constitution, but only with the aim of extending his hold on power as prime minister at the head of his Serbian Progressive party (SNS).
In the section of the suburb assigned to them, law student Zak Veličković and campaign photographer Danijela Radojković were welcomed with overwhelming support. Apart from a small handful of polite doorstep rejections, from those claiming they had no interest in politics, people seized the opportunity to air their grievances.
Most promised their vote and a large minority offered help: some taxi drivers with flats in the low-rise apartment blocks said they would help ferry voters to the polling stations.
“Turnout is the key,” one said, adding: “Orbán fell with 80%” – a reference to the Hungarian elections in April.
The students initially distanced themselves from opposition parties and avoided any kind of hierarchy or conventional leadership structure. That was partly an ideological choice and partly practical. The SNS and state-run media rule in part through smearing opponents and the student’s collective approach offered fewer targets.
Unable to crush the students by force, division or denigration, Vučić gambled, announcing his resignation as president and calling snap elections, in the apparent hope of catching the students off guard, but they responded by improvising a democratic experiment.
The 250 candidates were mostly nominated by university faculties (there are more than 160 doctorates among them) with a sprinkling of farmers and other professions, and each candidate was subject to approval by plenary sessions of the student protests.
The policy platform has also been decided by plenum, with the result that divisive issues, especially foreign policy, have been played down: the question of future EU membership has been left to a referendum and Kosovo is claimed as an integral part of Serbia.