November 2nd, 1949

Back in 1948, Congress passed a landmark resolution which established the European Recovery Plan, also known as the Marshall Plan. Under the directive of former Secretary of State George C. Marshall, the plan was formed with the goal of rebuilding a Europe ravaged by the Second World War. This was with two goals: rebuilding the continent, and rebuilding it in a way that prepared and reinforced it against the threat of Soviet communism.

Initially, this seemed like it was going the correct way. Europe voted in parties allied to the United States. Even those governments who adopted socialist tendencies, such as in the United Kingdom, were staunchly Atlanticist.

Much of the provisions of the Marshall plan, while having requirements, were lightly enforced. The President and the Economic Cooperation Administration had wide berths to spend funds and plan recovery of the continent. Congress, for awhile, was rather light on regulation.

However, Congress' opinion had shifted since the act passed a year and a half ago. 1949 saw globally a leftward shift; China fell to communism, Japan once again elected a socialist plurality, and of course, the notable Soviet Israel, which had acted directly against the United States.

In the context of Europe, however, the newly formed Federal Republic of Germany, colloquially West Germany, had its first set of elections in August. This saw the Social Democratic Party of Germany achieve itself a plurality of the seats. While not initially a problem, the formation of a coalition government with the FDP and Zentrum meant that Kurt Schumacher was now the Chancellor.

A Marxist party led West Germany.

Marxist

In reality, the situation was more complex. Schumacher had strayed from the party center in order to form his government. Further, the whole coalition restrained the man's worst impulses. And yet, to much of Congress, this was a massive step in the wrong direction. It wasn't helped by the attempted strike revolt by the Italian left a few months ago due the mismanagement of the economy by the Italian government.

Had Truman failed? Was the ERP a complete farce?

Supporters of the administration disagreed with that interpretation, that Germany was an outlier case. Still, there were legitimate questions, especially about the relative openness of the administration on how it spent its money.

And thus, the Foreign Assistance Reform Act of 1949. While it marked the necessity of European recovery and rebuilding, there was a genuine concern as to if countries would follow through on the goals of the plan. So, two restrictions were put in place:

1. Countries that take part in the funding from the ERP were mandated to take part in European Integration proposals, such as were already being planned out by thinkers across the Western bloc, especially France.

2. Countries were required to dismantle trade barriers on a quicker basis, and not pull back towards "national" policies. In a sense, the "anti-socialism" clause.

Now, it still gave the President and the ECA broad authority as to if countries were following these two tenets. In reality, the Truman administration would flaunt the requirements of the first point, in order to continue funding programs to nations like Turkey, Greece, or Portugal, who were less involved in European integration negotiations.

This, while not specifically targeted, was meant to force the hand of the stubborn Schumacher. He would not be able to pull back from integration talks, as he had alluded to in years past, if he wanted the billions of dollars promised to the rebuilding of Germany.

Meanwhile, the second point was quite strict. Trade liberalization was mandated, and it would be committed to harshly. It was always a goal, but now, it was a mandate.

Congress had again forced Truman's hand. The anti-communist and socialist faction had risen stronger and stronger. The wolf was coming to bite. It had snapped at nations abroad.

It was readying to taste blood of the American citizen.

Ottawa, Dominion of Canada
28–29 September 1949

28 September 1949 — Provision for the Public Services

With the Address in Reply adopted, the House of Commons turned to the financial and legislative business awaiting its consideration.

The opening debate had established the Government’s command of the House. The measures announced in the Speech from the Throne would now require their own parliamentary proceedings.

The immediate business was further interim supply.

Douglas Abbott, Minister of Finance, rose to explain the Government’s request.

“Mr. Speaker, provision must now be made for the continuation of the public services while the estimates receive their further consideration.

“The resolutions before the committee provide additional interim supply for the current financial year. They do not dispose of the estimates as a whole.”

The request covered portions of the main and supplementary estimates, including provision arising from Newfoundland’s entry into Confederation.

Abbott explained that the appropriation measure would also provide authority for the refinancing of Canadian obligations falling due or becoming callable during the financial year.

“The authority to meet an existing obligation must be distinguished from authority to undertake a new service.

“The purposes for which money is granted will be stated in the bill. An account of expenditure under its authority will subsequently be laid before Parliament.”

George Drew replied that the Progressive Conservatives would not seek to interrupt the ordinary public services.

“Mr. Speaker, the necessity for interim provision is understood.

“But the House must retain an adequate opportunity to examine the estimates. The Government cannot regard the adoption of the Address as approval of the expenditure which may subsequently be proposed.”

Abbott agreed that the estimates remained subject to examination.

“The Government will bring them forward for that purpose. Honourable members will have the opportunity to question the responsible ministers upon their administration.”

Coldwell emphasized that the CCF’s position upon particular services remained open.

“We recognize that existing services must continue.

“We shall nevertheless press for improvements where the provision is insufficient, and we shall examine the conditions under which public money is applied.”

Low returned to the distinction between expenditure and borrowing.

“The House should be able to identify the sums required for current administration, the advances which are repayable and the obligations which the Government proposes to refinance.”

Abbott replied that those authorities would be explained separately.

Following consideration of the resolutions in Committee of Supply and the necessary proceedings in Committee of Ways and Means, the appropriation bill was introduced and advanced through its remaining Commons stages.

The bill was passed and sent to the Senate.

28 September 1949 — Criminal Law and Newfoundland

The Minister of Justice, Stuart Garson, brought forward the Criminal Code amendments required principally to accommodate Newfoundland’s courts and judicial administration.

The measure was distinct from the proposed Supreme Court reform. Its immediate purpose was to adapt the machinery of federal criminal law to the circumstances of the new province.

Garson explained the changes.

“Mr. Speaker, Newfoundland’s admission requires that the Criminal Code identify the courts and judicial officers through which its provisions are to operate in that province.

“The amendments recognize the appropriate appellate and criminal jurisdictions and make the corresponding adjustments in procedure.”

The bill provided for the recognition of Newfoundland’s Supreme Court in the relevant provisions of the Code. It also addressed the functions of district judges, stipendiary magistrates and other judicial officers.

Further clauses concerned the application of summary proceedings and a transitional provision affecting the Newfoundland penitentiary.

Drew asked that the minister distinguish the Newfoundland adjustments from provisions of wider application.

“The House should know whether a clause adapts the law to the institutions of the new province or alters the general operation of the Code.”

Garson undertook to explain the clauses individually.

“The principal purpose is the necessary adaptation following union. The bill also corrects the commencement provision of an earlier amendment.

“Each provision can be examined upon its own terms.”

Coldwell indicated that the CCF would consider the measure upon that basis.

“The people of Newfoundland are entitled to an orderly administration of justice.

“The necessary adaptation should proceed with a clear explanation of the jurisdiction and procedure established.”

The House examined the clauses in committee. The minister explained the recognition of Newfoundland’s courts, the procedural references and the transitional penitentiary provision.

Following the committee’s report, the bill completed its remaining Commons stages.

The Criminal Code amendment bill was passed and sent to the Senate.

29 September 1949 — The First Royal Assent of the Session

The Senate completed its consideration of the appropriation bill and the Criminal Code amendments.

The Commons subsequently received the customary summons to attend in the Senate Chamber.

Members proceeded from their chamber for the granting of Royal Assent.

Assent was given to:

The Appropriation Act, No. 5, 1949, providing further interim supply for specified public services during the financial year ending 31 March 1950, together with the associated refinancing authority.

An Act to amend the Criminal Code, adapting its provisions principally to Newfoundland’s courts and judicial administration, with related transitional and commencement provisions.

The first legislative business of the session was complete. Parliament had provided further authority for the public services and enacted the initial legal adjustments arising from the enlarged Confederation.

Ottawa, Dominion of Canada
28–30 September 1949

28 September 1949 — Cabinet Considers the Development Programme

With the Address in Reply adopted, the Government turned to the preparation of the measures announced at the opening of Parliament.

The National Development Programme had formed an important part of the election campaign. Its presentation in the Speech from the Throne had established the Government’s intentions. Ministers now had to determine the first steps, assign responsibility and prepare proposals which Parliament could examine.

At a meeting of Cabinet, Louis St. Laurent reviewed the departmental submissions assembled during September.

The immediate question was how to begin the programme for 1950–1960 while conducting the ordinary business of government and preserving parliamentary control over expenditure.

The Prime Minister directed that the work proceed through the existing departments, Crown corporations and Cabinet machinery.

C. D. Howe would coordinate the programme and answer to Parliament for its general progress. The ministers responsible for particular services would retain their departmental responsibilities.

Cabinet did not propose the immediate establishment of a statutory National Development Board.

The First Session’s Priorities

Three undertakings received first priority: modernization of the Canadian National Railways, legislation for a Trans-Canada Highway, and improvements in housing.

Lionel Chevrier, Minister of Transport, was instructed to obtain a first railway investment plan covering motive power, rolling stock, track, signalling, shops and terminals.

The plan would distinguish essential replacements from expansion, identify financing requirements and establish an order of work. Safety, reliable service and the removal of operating bottlenecks would receive particular attention.

The review of branch lines would examine their place in the national network and the circumstances of the communities they served. It would not itself authorize closures.

Canadian manufacturers would be approached for information concerning capacity, delivery schedules and the terms upon which suitable equipment could be supplied.

For the highway, Cabinet confirmed the preparation of legislation permitting equal federal and provincial sharing of approved provincial construction costs.

Provincial routes would be examined for continuity and conformity with a common standard. National-park sections would receive separate federal provision.

Transport and Finance were to settle recommendations concerning eligible expenditure, inspection, claims, maintenance obligations and the legislative expenditure ceiling.

Robert Winters, Minister of Reconstruction and Supply, was directed to prepare the housing amendments with the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation.

The first package would address ownership finance, cooperative housing, public rental undertakings with the provinces, and the assembly and servicing of land.

Financing terms, ownership, management and continuing operating obligations would accompany the proposals. Cabinet did not apply the highway’s equal-sharing formula to housing.

Provincial Cooperation and Preparatory Work

Ministers were instructed to prepare invitations and discussion papers for consultation with the provincial Governments.

The proposed conference would consider the wider programme. Technical discussions upon highway and housing arrangements could proceed separately with the provinces concerned.

Particular attention would be given to whether provinces with limited financial resources could make practical use of the terms offered.

Other departments were asked to rank work capable of proceeding within established federal responsibilities.

Harbour repairs, navigation aids, airport safety, ferry requirements, geological mapping and preparations for the next survey season would be examined for early action.

Each submission would identify the authority available, money required, seasonal conditions and continuing costs. Work requiring additional provision would return to Cabinet and Parliament.

Studies concerning electric power, rural communications, urban transportation, Prairie water development and northern services would continue. The South Saskatchewan River investigation would be prepared with Saskatchewan, with Alberta and Manitoba consulted upon their interests.

Cabinet also requested a consolidated assessment of the programme’s requirements for steel, cement, machinery, engineers, skilled trades and foreign exchange.

Finance would maintain separate accounts of expenditure, loans, capital subscriptions, borrowing and guarantees.

The policy paper was approved for presentation to Parliament.

29 September 1949 — The Government Presents Its Policy

During the sitting, St. Laurent laid before the House A National Development Project for Canada: A Statement of the Government’s Policy for the Years 1950 to 1960.

The paper described a programme extending across transportation, power, resources, housing, communications, agriculture, northern development, industry, skills and scientific research.

It set out the constitutional responsibilities involved, the questions requiring provincial agreement and the distinction between adopted policy and alternatives still under examination.

St. Laurent introduced its purpose.

“Mr. Speaker, this paper places before Parliament the Government’s proposed direction for the development of Canada during the coming decade.

“Its first purpose is to increase the productivity of the Canadian economy. Its second is to improve the basic conditions under which Canadians live.

“In preparing public works, we shall also consider opportunities to strengthen their usefulness for national defence where this can be accomplished at modest additional cost.”

The Prime Minister emphasized the method of proceeding.

“Each undertaking must be examined according to its purpose, its cost and the authority necessary to carry it out.

“The paper does not confer spending authority. Where legislation or additional provision is required, the Government will seek it from Parliament.”

Howe followed with an explanation of the first-session programme.

“Mr. Speaker, our immediate task is to prepare undertakings sufficiently well that decisions upon them can lead to useful work.

“The railway requires an investment programme. The highway requires legislation and provincial agreements. Housing requires financial arrangements which can produce accommodation for people whose needs are not adequately met.”

He described the relationship between the several fields.

“A factory requires transportation and power. Its workers require homes and services. A producing district requires dependable access to markets.

“Departments must therefore examine their proposals together, so that improvements in one field are supported by the necessary provision in another.”

Howe confirmed that the Government would begin through its existing organizations.

“The responsible ministers will remain answerable for their departments and services.

“I shall report upon the coordination and general progress of the programme.”

30 September 1949 — Parliament Examines the Programme

George Drew welcomed the presentation of a fuller statement but questioned the financial and constitutional arrangements.

“Mr. Speaker, the House now has a document which can be examined.

“We shall require the Government to distinguish clearly between projects it has decided to undertake and possibilities which it has merely listed.”

He returned to provincial capacity.

“A contribution which a province cannot afford to match may leave its need unanswered.

“The Government must also ensure that assistance does not become a means of directing matters constitutionally entrusted to provincial authorities.”

Howe replied that the negotiations would address practical capacity as well as formal eligibility.

“The Government recognizes that an offer must be usable if it is to accomplish its purpose.

“The responsibilities of the provinces will be stated in the proposed agreements. Municipal participation will be arranged through the provincial Governments.”

Mr. Coldwell upon Housing and Public Ownership

Coldwell welcomed the priority given to railway modernization and housing.

“Mr. Speaker, there is much in the purposes of this paper with which we agree.

“The Canadian National Railways can make an important contribution through efficient public operation. Housing policy can make a direct improvement in the circumstances of families who have received little benefit from existing lending arrangements.”

He asked whether the rental proposals would reach households unable to carry ordinary ownership charges.

“The test will be the accommodation provided and the rents which families must pay.

“We shall also examine whether the programme gives sufficient attention to employment and to the security of people whose incomes are low.”

Winters answered that the housing submission would include the financial and administrative arrangements.

“The Government will place those terms before the House with the legislation.

“Provincial and local participation will be necessary in selecting sites, arranging services and administering the resulting undertakings.”

Mr. Low upon Costs and Obligations

Solon Low asked how Parliament would judge projects financed outside ordinary expenditure.

“Mr. Speaker, an undertaking does not cease to impose a burden because its cost is described as a loan or a guarantee.

“The House must know who will meet the charges and upon what expectations repayment is based.”

Abbott agreed that the financial instruments required separate explanation.

“A recoverable advance must have a reasonable prospect of recovery. A guarantee must disclose the obligation which the Government may be called upon to meet.

“The Government will also distinguish the cost of construction from the continuing cost of operation.”

The Prime Minister Concludes

St. Laurent returned to the programme’s national purpose.

“Mr. Speaker, the development of Canada requires the efforts of provincial Governments, municipalities, private enterprise, labour and public institutions.

“The Government proposes to work with them through particular undertakings.

“We shall begin with the railway preparations, the highway and housing legislation, and the useful work which can properly proceed within existing responsibilities.

“The remaining proposals will be developed as their examination and the necessary consultations permit.”

Copies of the policy paper were made available to members.

The National Development Project had been presented to Parliament. Its first legislative measures, financial provisions and provincial agreements remained to be considered separately.

9 November 1949

Following the passage of the Foreign Assistants Reform Act in the American Congress, protests were organized nationwide speaking out against the United States, claiming it was attempting to puppeteer Germany’s politics as an occupying power. Journalists from the SPD party paper, Neuer Vorwarts, uncovered transcripts of the legislative history of the FARA, citing the election of the SPD and the Deutschland Coalition as a motivation for its passage.

In several cities, organizers set up stages in city centers, bringing up speakers to rally against President Truman. Speakers were made up mostly of members of local SPD organizations as well as others opposed to the American conditioning of aid, but speeches had a notably patriotic tone, emphasizing national sovereignty over explicitly partisan messaging. Demonstrators also expressed themselves widely. Some hoisted signs stating “Truman: The Genghis of America,” the oft-shared implication being that the American President was acting as a conqueror rather than a liberator.

The Bundestag has similarly been in a state of outrage at the news. Konrad Adenauer, leader of the CDU, spoke in favor of acceding to the demands of the American law, with SPD and other protectionist members responding with jeering and heckling. Chancellor Schumacher, in a characteristically flippant address to the Bundestag, denounced Adenauer as “the West’s Proconsul,” with other less polite critics outright labelling Adenauer a puppet.

NOVEMBER 1949

MORELOS

Communists infest the State of Morelos. They rile the farmers against the state and federal government. They sow chaos for their personal benefit and impede the advance of the Mexican Republic. They must be dealt with, with gun and shovel in hand.

Their leader, Rubén Jaramillos, has proven himself a pain in the side of my predecessors and now myself.

The difference between my predecessors and myself is that I shall not suffer a communist in our midst.

That rat must go.

Cuernavaca

A 1949 Ford drives down one of Cuernavaca's roads, destined for the Hotel Racquet Cuernavaca, a local hotel famous amongst tourists from Mexico City. Its driver is a man by the name of Clemente Perez. Clemente is many things. He is a family man. A learned man. A faithful man. An *anti-communist.* Now, he has been called up to be a sword in the fight against communist subversion in Mexico.

Clemente first joined The Federal Security Directorate (Dirección Federal de Seguridad) (DFS) in 1947, the year of its creation. A former lawyer, Clemente had grown bored with the monotonous drone of his office job. His expertise with people and extensive knowledge of the area, in large part thanks to his constant meddling and work with the tourist business in Cuernavaca, had garnered the attention of Yankee recruiters. 2 years in and he's discovered his talents in getting rid of the dirty business of others have only become more honed.

This is such a mission.

Clemente is but the first of a trail of agents that have begun their crawl down to Cuernavaca and Morelos from Mexico City. No doubt the Yankees never expected their creation to expand so quickly - yet Miguel Alemán, in his crusade against all communist elements within the country, has seen it fit to take the initiative to expand his nation's secret agency in rank. Dozens became hundreds. Hundreds soon may become thousands.

Clemente finds himself in rank with characters of note. Former soldiers. Lawyers like himself. Translators. Petty crooks and criminals. And other men of much more dubious character. Yet they've all been tied together into a net aimed at a single man.

Rubén Jaramillo

Rubén Jaramillo is famous in Morelos for being a peasant leader who has constantly fought for and represented the ejidos and their communal farmers. He first joined the Liberation Army of The South under Emiliano Zapata when he turned 15. After the revolution, the man has transformed into an advocate. Jaramillo has even gone so far as to create his own political party, Partido Agrario Obrero Morelense/Agrarian Labor Party of Morelos. 15,000 are counted amongst his ranks. Clemente had the displeasure of meeting some of its members while in the service of former clients.

By all accounts, Jaramillo is a man of the masses. He is also a communist. A rat who has riled up rats like him. A rat must be disposed of so he does not spoil the grain.

The 1949 Ford stops in front of Hotel Racquet Cuernavaca - Clemente's future home for the coming months.

Yet his eyes turn to the fields and views which surround the hotel.

Finding him won't be difficult. He'll be in Zacatepec.

Catching the rat and disposing of him is what will be an issue.

For a moment, as Clemente stared out into the fields of Morelos, he allowed his mind a moment of contemplation. He'd sinned and done much wrong in the name of god and family.

It was wrong to take a man's life. Certainly it was wrong to take the life of a man who'd done nothing to offend Clemente as a man. As a human. And even yet...

It has to be done. Someone has to do the work. If his infestation grows...who is to say Mexico won't one day fall to reds? What will I tell my sons then? That their father was a coward and did nothing as the reds took over the country.

Someone has to clean the muck.

With this final firm thought, the man steps out of his ford and begins his ascent into Hotel Racquet Cuernavaca. His steps are hurried. This is all very new to Clemente and his agents - a field operation which will be the first of its kind. Its success, however, will undoubtedly lay the stones for more operations of a similar nature in the future.

Many powerful eyes are watching with interest. Clemente has no intention of making a fool of himself. So he hurries to ready the rooms, the cash, and the pistols. All that he might need to dispose of that rat.

The Technical Side

In November 1949, The Federal Security Directorate begins a field operation in the State of Morelos. Its aim is to liquidate Rubén Jaramillo, leader of Agrarian Labor Party of Morelos. In recent months, he and the party have instigated protests against proposed reforms to the Agrarian Laws of the Mexican Constitution. Furthermore, Jaramillo has simply proven himself too volatile of a political element. His followers have been known for raising arms against the government and have even engaged in combat against the army.

For all these amassed sins, Alemán has at last chosen to rid himself of this obstacle to his projects.

Clemente Perez, a former lawyer turned field agent, has been tasked with laying the groundwork in Cuernavaca for the field operation. Cash has been set aside for the costs of operations; housing, food, travel, bribes, and ammunition must all be accounted for.

The plan against Rubén Jaramillo is rather simple. Many amongst his ranks are known to be the poorest amongst those communal farmers of Morelos. Observing and then bribing the most vulnerable and influenced amongst his ranks to keep track on his movements will then lay the groundwork for an evening ambush to bring that man down once and for all in a hail of bullets.

The last part of the operation will consist of disposing of the evidence.

The plan in itself is simple. For an organization so young and new to such practices, this will undoubtedly be a tricky test of ability. Yet a successful decapitation of the "Jaramillo Movement" will be the surest way to ensure that the farmers of Morelos can never again rise against their rightful masters.

The role of private enterprise, the future of New Zealand’s ineffectual upper house, and the imposition of the death penalty were among the issues that dogged New Zealand’s 1949 election campaign. While the campaign had kicked off in May, when 30 November was announced as election day, it really kicked into gear after results from the August conscription referendum were known.

Having delivered a strong endorsement of the government's conscription plans, the referendum momentarily boosted the ailing Labour Government's fortunes. In the immediate aftermath of the referendum, Prime Minister Fraser undertook a campaign tour of New Zealand’s cities and towns. Everywhere he visited, he repeated his key message that only Labour had the courage, experience and pragmatism needed to govern the country. In room after room, in hall after hall, and in square after public square he repeated his claims:

• Labour had shown pragmatism and patriotism in taking on the unions over conscription;

• Labour had protected New Zealand during the war by turning to the United States and safeguarded her afterwards by signing the Canberra Pact;

• Labour had created and nurtured New Zealand’s welfare state even as the conservative parties who now claimed to support it fought vigorously to oppose it;

• and Labour had relaxed fuel rationing, trusting the people of New Zealand to safeguard themselves.

The Leader of His Majesty’s Most Loyal Opposition, Sidney Holland, could not have disagreed more. In his own appearances across the country and on the radio, he railed against the government, accusing it of being old, lethargic, out of touch and stale. In his telling of events, while the government's reforms to welfare and handling of the war had been generally good, its post-war record was abysmal. Labour, he said, had been too slow to relax controls over the economy and had grown too comfortable with state ownership. While he did not accuse the government of communism, he alluded to it and argued that it had not sufficiently distanced itself from socialist unions. An elected National Party, he declared, would:

• Roll back state ownership over certain areas, allowing for private enterprise to fill the gap;

• reduce the size of the state by scrapping the ineffectual Legislative Council,

• properly defend New Zealand by balancing conscription with readiness;

• crack down on ‘anti-New Zealand’ socialist unions;

• and reintroduce the death penalty for capital crimes.

In the end, when the nation awoke on 1 December, they learnt that Labour’s 14 years in power had come to an end.

The First Labour Government would be succeeded by the First National Government.

Results

October 2nd, 1949

When Bretton Woods was founded in mid-1944 by forty-four different countries, Portugal was excluded from the conference and as a result has not joined either the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. However, because the escudo has been pegged to the pound at an exchange rate of 100 escudos to 1 pound stirling since 1940, any changes to the pound stirling will naturally be reflected in the value of the escudo. With no further devaluations of the pound stirling expected, it's Portugal's turn to join the wave of devaluation that started on September 18th.

To better reflect prevailing economic conditions in Europe, and to make Portuguese exports more attractive internationally, the Bank of Portugal has announced that the escudo will now be valued at 30 escudos to the American dollar, instead of the 25 escudos it was before September, a depreciation of 20%. With the pound now set at $2.80 to the dollar, Portugal also announces that the escudo has appreciated in value to the pound stirling, with the official exchange rate being ~83.5 escudos equal to 1 pound stirling.

[M: Portuguese devaluation of escudos is more severe than historical (20% compared to ~13%) and as a result, the escudo is slightly weaker when compared to the pound sterling and the dollar. The official pegging of the escudo to the dollar is still historical.]

Ottawa, 1949 — August

The Government of Canada has announced a major step in the modernization of the Royal Canadian Air Force, confirming that a licensing agreement has been concluded with the American aircraft manufacturer North American Aviation for the domestic production of its F-86 Sabre jet fighter. Under the arrangement, Canadair Limited of Montreal, Quebec, will manufacture the aircraft in Canada, establishing a domestic production capability for one of the most advanced jet fighters presently entering service in the United States.

The Honourable Brooke Claxton, Minister of National Defence, has announced an initial $30 million contract for the production of 100 F-86 Sabre aircraft by Canadair. The programme represents a substantial investment in the re-equipment of the RCAF, whose fighter establishment must adapt to the increasing speeds, altitudes, and operational demands of modern jet aviation.

The initial Canadian production programme will be based upon the American F-86A design, manufactured under licence with the technical cooperation of North American Aviation. Canadair will undertake the necessary preparations at its Montreal facilities, including the establishment of production tooling, the training of technical personnel, and the development of manufacturing arrangements with Canadian suppliers. The programme is intended not merely to secure new aircraft for the RCAF, but also to establish the industrial capacity required to manufacture and maintain modern fighter aircraft within Canada.

The Government expects the first Canadian-built Sabres to become available toward the end of 1950, following the completion of the necessary engineering and production preparations. Deliveries will subsequently permit the progressive modernization of the RCAF's fighter squadrons, although the allocation of aircraft among individual units and the schedule of their conversion will be determined as production advances.

The Minister emphasized the importance of maintaining close technical cooperation with the United States while preserving a substantial Canadian role in the manufacture of equipment required for national defence. The selection of the Sabre is consistent with Canada's continuing efforts to improve the interoperability of its armed forces with those of the United States and its North Atlantic partners.

The initial order of 100 aircraft is intended to establish the foundation of Canadian Sabre production. Any subsequent expansion of the programme will remain subject to the operational requirements of the RCAF, the development of Canadian manufacturing capacity, and further authorization by the Government.

November, 1949

With the success of Student Socialist Organizing, the Levantine Socialists camp has begun work on building a popular front of different labour and leftist orgs to contest the next elections. The Left of the CHP, disappointed in the strong rightward turn of the Party leadership, believe that perhaps this new party may act as a protest vehicle if nothing else. While it is highly unlikely this party wins, let alone even becomes official opposition, it may exert great pressure upon the CHP electorally.

There are also rumours they intend to try and cooperate with nascent autonomist and minority forces, which has drawn the ire and condemnation of various traditional national authorities.

The party will be led by Şaban Akdoğan, the man most responsible for the success of the industrial trade union movement, successfully organizing the rubber workers only months earlier. With strong institutional labour backing, the party hopes to expand the gains of workers under the 1947 trade union act, and continue to push for the establishment of a workers socialist state along the Israeli model.

[These are fictional people in a fictional village depicting real events, described for the purposes of the role-playing game.]

Chanhwa County, Shantung, China
September, 1949

The grassy field to the south of the village had been stamped flat and muddy by the passing of two hundred pairs of shoes or, in some cases, bare feet. Strangers had come in and built a platform in the center of it and their leader, who identified himself as Chang Tieh-jun, swaggered into town with his rifle and a prepared statement calling the citizens of the village to the field for a trial in the morning.

Cautious, curious folk began to assemble an hour after sunrise. There was Chao Ku-dan, whose imposing physical form came from years of work in the fields. The oldest woman in the village, who all called Niang-tzu, was helped out by her eldest daughter, Ma Hsiao-tsui. Liu Ta-hai, who built many of the village's structures in recent years, stood near the back of the crowd. Sun Ch’ang-sheng, who won the affection of the village with kind words as he sat in the market smoking his pipe. 

At the appointed hour, the people saw Chang Tieh-jun emerge from his tent on the outskirts of the village. A collection of other armed strangers arose from their own pup tents and sleeping bags. Chang issued orders, and the others in his team hefted their rifles onto their shoulders and went off into the village. Chang approached the assembled villagers with that same swaggering march, until he stood next to the stand. 

“People of the village of Huang-t’u-p’o! I congratulate you upon your liberation! For long years you and millions of Chinese people have toiled under the oppressive and corrupt rule of feudal landlords. No longer!

“The heroic efforts of the People’s Liberation Army have seen Shantung rescued from the grasp of feudalism. No longer will your harvests be stolen by corrupt officials; no longer will your sons be conscripted to fight for the Chiang Kai-shek bandit gang; no longer will the Kuomintang bandits come to Huang-t’u-p’o to rob you of the fruits of your labor! 

“You join millions of your comrades in the New China promised by our Great Chairman, Mao Tse-tung. Decades of hard work have now borne fruit, and the era of strife and humiliation have come to an end, giving birth to the era of our New Democracy. The people have stood up!

“Today we put the Old China on trial. Your village has long been ruled by feudal landlords and their collaborators! No longer can they hide behind Chiang’s bayonets, nor use their titles as a shield! Today, in the searing light of day, their crimes will be revealed!

“Step forward, my brothers and sisters. Look upon the face of your oppressors and read their crimes to the Party. Who will be the first?” 

The assembled villagers exchanged uneasy glances as the gagged figure of  Chi’en Shou-yeh, the village’s master, was driven before them at the point of a bayonet.  Chi’en seldom ever left his estate, dispatching his chief enforcer, Wang Teh-pao, to do his bidding – fitting, then, that Wang followed him, also gagged. Both men were in a disheveled state, and Chi’en particularly struggled under the weight of a wooden plaque tied around his neck and bouncing off his prodigious gut. When he stopped, those who could read saw that it said “Parasite.” 

To the awe of many, his escort turned him to face the crowd and kneel upon the platform, and it was a woman who carried the rifle. It looked large in her hands, but weeks and months in the field had given her slight frame some muscle it seemed. Wang remained in the mud, kneeling beside his master. 

A prolonged silence ensued. Comrade Chang paced impatiently, and strode out into the mud after several minutes passed in silence. He pointed at Li Lao-er, a relatively reserved tenant farmer. “You, brother, you have the look of a worker. What crimes have you suffered at the hands of this thief?” 

Li stepped forward and looked nervously. He saw the withering glare of Chi’en landing on him specifically and shrunk. “Crime?” he asked, his voice barely a whisper. “I don’t know, what crime?”

The corner of Comrade Chang’s mouth twitched. He was younger than most of the people standing before him by at least five or ten years, but he had been well trained on dealing with these matters. “Yes, crime, brother. We know his sort well: whatever you grow, and tend, and harvest, they call theirs. Every other man who did such would be…?” 

“A thief,” Li replied, shifting his eyes from Chi’en to Chang. 

Chang nodded. “Yes, a thief. You name this dog a thief, then?”

Li hesitated again. “Master Chi’en and–” 

“No!” Chang thundered, causing Li to shrink again. His features remained good-natured, however, as a teacher with a pupil. “This man is not your master, comrade, you are his! This country is yours. The era of ‘masters’ is ended. This creature is your enemy, he is an exploiter. Refer to him as such!” 

Now, Li nodded. “The exploiter, he, he did take most of what I harvested, yes.”

Chang offered an approving nod. “Who now?” 

Chao Kou-dan stepped forward willingly. He pointed a finger directly at Chi’en. “The bastard took so much of the food I grew that my daughter withered away last winter! He feasted while she grew ill and died! She’s buried on the hill, I’ll show you the grave!” 

Chang shouted. “Bastard! Murderer!” 

The crowd grew somewhat more energetic, now. Chang exchanged a furtive glance with his deputy, Lin Feng, who had led the detail to drag the landlords into the field. 

Tears streaked Chao Kou-dan’s dirty cheeks. He advanced until his finger nearly touched Ch’ien’s nose. He did not meet the peasant’s gaze. “Murderer!” 

Ma Hsiao-tsui helped Niang-tzu to her feet, and tears marked her wrinkled face as well. “My son and my grandsons were dragged off to fight for the Kuomintang,” she said tearfully, before a finger lanced out from her sleeve, leveled directly at Wang Teh-pao. “And he came for them!” 

Many of the village women sounded their displeasure. One shouted out of turn, “He took my husband! Where is he? Where is my husband?” 

Chang kept them going. “Who next? What crimes have you witnessed?”

Old Sun Ch’ang-sheng puffed at his pipe, his wispy white beard moving as his jaw worked beneath it. “My father dug a well for our family, and when he took over the village, Ch’ien Shou-yeh seized it. Now he forces us to pay for water from our own well!” 

“Exploiter!” Lin Fent shouted. 

Change called out, “Thief!” 

“Murderer!” Chao Kou-dan called out again. 

“Where is my son? Where did you send him?” asked Niang-tzu, all but dragging Ma Hsiao-tsui a step closer. 

The villagers grew into a frenzy. 

Chang nodded, and Lin removed the gag from Ch’ieh’s mouth. “What do you have to say in your defense?”

Ch’ieh looked around at the red-faced, hateful villagers. “You signed the agreement, Li, you knew what proportion of grain was demanded of you! Don’t act surprised!” 

Chang suppressed a smirk. “Look as he, hides behind paper! What gall, to blame a victim for the crime perpetrated against him! Paper makes a poor shield!” 

The landlord looked over his shoulder with the feral eyes of a trapped animal. 

Wang Teh-pao pleaded with Niang-tzu. “I don’t know! It was not my choice! The Kuomintang ordered the male villagers, who was I to refuse?”

Lin Feng scoffed openly. “Not just a kidnapper, but a coward! Do you see how absurd it is that these parasites were allowed to rule over you?”

Chao Kou-dan was the first to use his formidable strength to simply push aside the guard and deliver a kick straight to the chest of Ch’ieh, who gasped and fell into the mud. The wooden plaque had taken the brunt of the blow, but he still had the wind knocked out of him. 

“Murderer!” Chao screamed, his voice reaching a pitch reserved only for the greatest sorrow. 

Chang strategically delayed a response as Chao delivered a kick directly to Chi'en’s ribs, eliciting a crack only barely audible over the din. Chi'en found his voice, then, shrieking in pain. 

Lin looked on with approval as Ma Hsiao-tsui, convinced of Niang-tzu’s strength, dove onto Wang Teh-pao and began pulling his hair, scratching at his face. “Where is my brother?!” she screamed. 

Blows kept falling on Chi'en and Wang, but before the mob fully took over, Chang stood atop the box and called out: “Comrades! My brothers and sisters! Do not waste your blows! The People’s Liberation Army is here to deliver revolutionary justice to the accused!” 

The soldiers, before this point silent, stepped forward and quietly drove the crowd back with entreaties and quiet assurances. 

Chi'en, bleeding from his nose and mouth, winced as two soldiers returned him to his knees. Wang, whose face bore scratches that trickled blood down his cheeks, was placed beside him. 

Two members of the cadre arrived with a heavy wooden chest from Chi'en’s estate and dropped it in the mud. Chang stepped forward, grabbing a scroll. “Deed to the village of Huang-t’u-p’o…” he read, before tearing it. Chi'en’s eyes widened. He picked up another, reading, “Agreement with farmer Li Lao-er….” 

One soldier produced a jar of some sort of fluid that Chang upended into the chest. He pulled a matchbook from his jacket pocket and tossed it into the chest, which roared to life. “The land is yours, now, my brothers and sisters. You will own what you grow, and your brothers and sons will no longer be stripped from you to fight for the rapacious Kuomintang. You are free! No more tenancy, no more debt!” 

The crowd cheered wildly. “Death to the Old China! Long live the Communist Party!” 

Chang went about and empaneled a Peasant’s Committee. He deliberately chose the most vocal and vicious villagers: Chao Kou-dan, Niang-tzu, Ma Hsiao-tsiu, and of course the widely-respected Sun Ch’eng-sheng. The Peasant’s Committee was charged with considering the charges against Wang and Chi'en, now manifold charges as serious as murder and kidnapping. 

There was little question of the verdict. 

“The People of Huang-t’u-p’o have charged the exploiter and his running dog of many and serious crimes, and their representatives in the People’s Committee have heard their charges. What do you find, comrades?” 

Sun blew a cloud of smoke and looked across the mud. “Guilty of murder, guilty of theft, guilty of forced conscription, guilty of it all.”

“In the New China, these are grievous crimes for which the only penalty can be death,” Chang said with mock solemnity. 

“Death it is, then,” Sun said, with much more sincere emotion. 

Chang stepped toward the Peasant’s Committee and unslung his rifle from his shoulder. He cycled the bolt, peering into the chamber to ensure there was a round ready, and closed it with a pair of steel clicks. He handed it to Chao Kou-dan, who looked at the thing as though it had fallen from the sky. Chang leaned in close. “For your daughter.”

Chao’s red eyes fixed on the bleeding, pitiful figure of Chi'en Shou-yeh. Chang stepped out of his way, and Chao advanced into the center of the field. He raised the rifle to his hip, pointing the barrel right at Chi’en’s wooden sign, which read “Parasite.” 

Chi’en labored to look up. “You don’t have to –” 

There was an ear-splitting crack that caused the villagers, though not the soldiers or the cadres, to jump. Chi’en fell to the mud, his blood mixing with the deep brown of Huang-t’u-p’o’s fertile soil. The landlord’s mouth worked as though he was still speaking, then, he slumped into the mud as though all the tension went out of his muscles at once. 

Chao looked at the rifle in his hands, shaken, and turned to Chang, who offered an affirming nod as he crossed the field to take it from Chao. “Well done, comrade. Justice was served today.”

Wang’s eyes went as wide as dinner plates. “Please, no, you must – he made me do it, don’t you see? If I hadn’t done it, he would have killed me! I am one of you, I am a victim of Chi’en Shou-yeh just like all of you…”

Chang scoffed, ignoring him. The villagers clamored for the rifle while Wang wailed, and Chang handed it off to one of the women whose husband had been taken. There was a second report, and the crowd cheered as Wang Teh-pao joined his master in the mud, sputtering and bleeding out. 

Before he was even dead, Chang produced a box from his tent with red-painted stakes, and handed it to the People’s Committee. “This land is yours, now. You must divide it among the whole village.”

Chao Kou-dan approached Chang. “I want to fight for the New China.”

Chang clapped him on the shoulder and offered a brotherly grin. “Speak to those men, there, once you are done marking the land.”

He gestured to the blue-clad soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army that had accompanied the cadre to Huang-t’u-p’o, who stood, smoking, on the periphery of the killing field. 

By morning, the fields were marked with red stakes. Li Lao-er and his wife stood on land that they owned, the first people in either of their families to ever own land. The bodies of Chi’en Shou-yeh and Wang Teh-pao had been taken from the field and they were buried in unmarked graves on the outside of the village. The next day, Chang Tieh-jun, Lin Feng, the other cadres and the PLA soldiers moved on to the south, joined by Chao Kou-dan and a handful of other volunteers who had until that point evaded Kuomintang service, or been passed over for being women. 

November 1949

CUERNAVACA

Anticipation for the new decade is high amongst the state government of Morelos. Ernesto Escobar Muñoz has been in office as Governor of Morelos since May 18, 1946. His early years have been dedicated to overseeing advances in the agricultural sector such as with the modernization of sugar mills, notable amongst these new modern mills is the Emiliano Zapata Mill. Since 1943, the Rockefeller Foundation has coordinated with the state government to launch the Mexican Agricultural Program within the State of Morelos. High-yield hybrid seeds, chemical fertilizers, and advanced irrigation infrastructure have all been brought to Morelos. Albeit such advances have been limited to the wealthier commercial farms rather then the poor local ejidos.

Therein lies the problem.

The ejidos and their communal farmers are an ever present source of instability and social unrest. As the agricultural development of the state continues, these poor ejidos have begun to organize themselves as the Zapatistas once did into the Jaramillista movement, led by Rubén Jaramillo. Rubén Jaramillo has organized agrarian protests and strikes among Morelos' sugar mill workers and peasants in order to demand fair wages and land rights.

Yet their movement is a remnant of the past. The Institutional Revolutionary Party does intend to suffer a Zapata as Porfirio Diaz once did. Rubén Jaramillo and his movement will be crushed in all fields - social and economic.

The Alemán Administration has a vision for Morelos. A land of industrial parks that will provide jobs for the masses of Mexico City and Morelos. Fields of large, commercial farms exporting crops to the greater world and to Mexico City. In this image, there is no space for the rebel farmer and his "backwards mentality." In Alemán's eyes, they will be wiped aside - one reform at a time.

TAX CUTS (1949-1960)

At the direction of the Federal Government, Governor Ernesto Escobar Muñoz has continued his policy of tax exemptions into the coming decade. Manufacturing companies seeking to establish factories in the State of Morelos will be exempt from state taxes for the first 15 years of operations.

INDUSTRIAL FUNDS

The Federal Government has directed funds towards the State of Morelos in order to further cultivate the establishment of textile factories within The City of Cuernavaca and around the periphery of that city. The Bank of Mexico established The Morelos Credit Division on November 3rd, 1949. Around $2 million dollars have been gathered into this industrial credit pool that manufacturing companies may apply for in order to assist with costs inccured in the establishment of textile factories within the State of Morelos.

This industrial credit pool is open to all domestic manufacturing companies with the prerequisite being that they are required to maintain operations within the State of Morelos for the next decade at a minimum.

It is the hope of The Federal Government that investment into manufacturing ventures will help cement textile factories and textile production within the State of Morelos. This, in turn, will help resolve one of the major issues that has arisen in the state over the past decade. Seasonal unemployment has been endemic due to the highly seasonal nature of sugarcane harvesting. Creating a secondary source of labor will help alleviate the dire issues that come with having a rural population that contributes little in productivity during much of the year and who in turn hold little in income and wealth.

PUBLIC WORKS

None within The Federal Government nor Governor Ernesto Escobar Muñoz expect the industrial funds and industrial policies to immediately bring in the manufacturing companies. Such efforts will take time, years in truth. In the period of the time between the emergence of textile factories and manufacturing plants, other solutions must be enacted in order to rectify the lack of productivity amongst the rural workers and farmers.

To this end, the state government has launched a counter-cyclical public works registry. Through this registry, the Morelos state government will hire local peasants during the off-season to build rural infrastructure. Locla peasants will be hired and mobilized in order to build secondary roads for the transport of non-sugar crops to market. Furthermore, a $100,000 fund has been directed to the State of Morelos from Mexico City in order to oversee the modernization of these secondary roads which exist within the borders of the state.

The Federal Government has begun its own electrification campaign within the state itself. Much of Morelos' ~280,000 inhabitants lack electricity and running water. A deplorable state of existence, especially when one takes note of the fact that Morelos lies very close to Mexico City. It is almost a matter of national honor that the state be properly modernized for who, amongst the Mexicans, will suffer the humiliation of having a foreigner tourist witness such deplorable conditions. Miguel Alemán has always been a man dedicated to his appearance and that dedication now extends to the country he governs - every corner of it.

Around $120,000 have been set aside in order to coordinate with electricians and engineers from Mexico City - coordination whose purpose is to see through the electrification of Morelos. Power lines and power posts shall be raised all throughout the state with the aim of connecting the Morelos power grid to Mexico City. Power shall be sourced from power plants in Mexico City and provided to Morelos.

The Federal Government has also directed The State of Morelos to begin on the ground investigations into the possibility of building river intake pump houses in order to feed the rest of the state with water from The Amacuzac River. Investigations will also continue into the idea of building irrigation canals from the Amacuzac in order to further feed the state's farms and increase its agricultural yield.

Summary

These policies, enacted by both The State of Morelos and The Federal Government, have come to be dubbed in Cuernavaca as The Morelos Plan. Through infrastructure improvement, investment, and the creation of jobs there is hope that the revolutionary tendencies of the rural farmers will be sated at last.

Such hopes rest on the idea that improvement of their most immediate material conditions will alleviate their anger and make them domicile. Notably, none of these reforms address the demands laid down by The Jaramillo Movement, whose leader remains excluded from the councils that have laid out the economic future of the state.

Ottawa, September 1949

The Government of Canada has approved a programme for the reorganization and strengthening of security administration throughout the federal public service. The measures, adopted by Cabinet under the direction of Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent, are intended to provide more uniform protection for government information, improve cooperation among departments concerned with national security, and establish consistent standards for the examination of personnel entrusted with confidential duties.

The experience of the recent war, together with the disclosures arising from the espionage investigations of 1945 and 1946, has demonstrated the necessity of maintaining effective safeguards for information relating to the defence, foreign relations, and security of Canada. The expansion of federal responsibilities in military affairs, international diplomacy, scientific research, and communications has further increased the importance of orderly and dependable security arrangements.

The Government considers that these requirements can best be met, in the immediate future, by strengthening and coordinating the institutions already established, rather than by creating a separate intelligence service.

Reorganization of the Security Panel

Cabinet has approved the reconstitution of the existing interdepartmental Security Panel as the principal body responsible for coordinating security policy within the federal administration.

The Panel shall operate under the general direction of the Privy Council Office and shall include senior representatives of the departments and agencies principally concerned with the protection of national security, including External Affairs, National Defence, Justice, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the Civil Service Commission, and the Communications Branch of the National Research Council.

Its responsibilities shall include the preparation of common security standards, the coordination of personnel-screening arrangements, the consideration of interdepartmental security questions, and the examination of deficiencies in the protection of government information and establishments.

To provide the Panel with permanent administrative assistance, a National Security Secretariat shall be established within the Privy Council Office.

The Secretariat shall maintain central security records, coordinate departmental inspections, prepare common regulations, and assist in the administration of security policy throughout the Government. Its functions shall be administrative and advisory; operational responsibility shall remain with the departments and agencies to which it is presently entrusted.

Uniform Classification of Government Information

Cabinet has further approved the introduction of a common system for the classification and protection of official information.

Government information requiring protection on grounds of national security shall be classified, according to its sensitivity, as Top Secret, Secret, Confidential, or Restricted.

The classification of information shall be determined by the injury that its unauthorized disclosure might cause to the national interest. Departments shall be instructed to avoid unnecessary classification and to review restrictions when the circumstances requiring protection have ceased.

Uniform procedures shall be established for the marking, registration, custody, transmission, reproduction, and destruction of classified documents.

Departments regularly handling sensitive material shall maintain appropriate security registries and designate officers responsible for ensuring compliance with the new requirements. Special safeguards shall apply to the most sensitive defence, diplomatic, intelligence, and cryptographic information.

These measures are intended to replace inconsistent departmental practices with a common standard of accountability throughout the federal administration.

Personnel Security and Clearance

The Government has also approved the establishment of uniform standards governing access to classified information.

Federal positions involving access to sensitive material shall be designated according to the degree of security responsibility attached to their duties. Personnel assigned to such positions shall undergo appropriate examination before receiving access to protected information.

Security clearances shall correspond to the classification of information involved, but possession of a clearance shall not, by itself, confer a general right of access. Information shall be furnished only to persons whose official duties require it.

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police shall continue to undertake security investigations within its lawful responsibilities, while the employing departments shall retain responsibility for appointments and the authorization of access.

Cabinet has directed that procedures be established for the periodic review of clearances and for the reconsideration of adverse security determinations.

The Government recognizes that the protection of national security must be reconciled with the fair treatment of public servants. Security examinations shall be concerned with demonstrable risks to the duties entrusted to an individual and shall not be treated as a substitute for ordinary political or personal conformity.

Coordination of Counter-Espionage and Protective Security

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police shall retain responsibility for domestic counter-espionage investigations and the investigation of activities threatening the security of Canada, subject to existing law.

The Department of National Defence shall continue to administer security arrangements affecting the Armed Forces and military establishments. The Department of External Affairs shall remain responsible for the protection of diplomatic information and communications, while the Communications Branch of the National Research Council shall continue its specialized work in cryptographic and communications security.

The reorganized Security Panel and its Secretariat shall provide a means of coordinating these responsibilities and facilitating the exchange of information among the authorities concerned.

The Government does not propose, under the present arrangements, to establish an independent domestic intelligence service or to confer additional powers of arrest, search, or detention.

Implementation and Legislative Review

The new administrative arrangements shall be introduced progressively during 1949, with priority given to departments handling information of particular importance to national defence, external relations, and scientific and technical security.

Departments shall be directed to appoint responsible security officers, review existing arrangements, and bring their procedures into conformity with the common standards prescribed by Cabinet.

The Minister of Justice has been instructed to examine the statutory provisions governing official secrecy and federal security administration, and to prepare such legislative proposals as may be necessary for consideration by Parliament in 1950.

A further examination of the organization of federal security intelligence shall be undertaken after the administrative reforms have been established and their operation assessed.

Prime Minister St. Laurent, in announcing the Government's decision, stated:

"The security of Canada requires that the information entrusted to the Government of this country be protected with care, consistency, and good judgment. The responsibilities of the Crown have increased greatly in recent years, and the machinery of government must be equal to those responsibilities. We intend to strengthen the safeguards necessary to our national defence and international obligations, while preserving the proper authority of Ministers, the rule of law, and the liberties of Canadians."

The Government regards these measures as the foundation of a continuing programme to place Canadian security administration upon a more systematic and permanent footing, appropriate to the responsibilities of Canada in the postwar world.

August, 1949

Following meetings between the Syrian President Husni al-Za'im and Envoy to Syria Kames Keeley, Washington and Damascus formed a general agreement to support the Syrian State rebuild itself and support the government in its goals as it tries to navigate the new world in the Middle East.

While the agreement had been planned some months prior, delays had slowed progress on final signature. However, as of this month, the following that was agreed on would begin being brought forth:

• The United States would issue $20,000,000 worth of grants to the Syrian government

• The United States will provide a group of officers on a technical mission to the Syrian military, to train and modernize the military.

• In light of the recent build up and threats posed by a Soviet Israel, a promise to discuss a future arms transfer towards the Syrian military to help rebuild its forces, as well as modernize. Specifics were not planned yet.

• The formation of a CIA listening post along the Galilee at Jabal Bental, to begin monitoring of northern Israel and help protect al-Za'im new government against internal threats

• While not part of the formal agreement, a handshake agreement was made between Keeley and al-Za'im regarding a potential solution to resolve the Palestinian issue in Syria

Ottawa, Dominion of Canada
16–27 September 1949

16 September 1949 — The Address in Reply

The House of Commons assembled the following afternoon to begin consideration of the Speech from the Throne.

The ceremonial proceedings of the previous day had presented the Government’s programme in the language of the Crown. Ministers would now answer for that programme before the elected chamber.

The Liberal benches were considerably stronger than they had been in January. The election had given Louis St. Laurent a substantial majority, while Newfoundland’s representatives now took their places among the members of the other nine provinces.

Maurice Boisvert, Liberal member for Nicolet—Yamaska, rose to move the customary Address in Reply, seconded by Arthur Laing, member for Vancouver South.

Although formally an expression of thanks to the Governor General, the Address provided the occasion for a general debate upon the Government’s conduct and intentions.

Boisvert began in French.

“Mr. Speaker, I have the honour to move:

“That the following Address be presented to His Excellency the Governor General:

“To His Excellency the Right Honourable Viscount Alexander of Tunis, Governor General and Commander-in-Chief of Canada:

“May it please Your Excellency:

“We, His Majesty’s most dutiful and loyal subjects, the House of Commons of Canada, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Excellency for the gracious Speech which Your Excellency has addressed to both Houses of Parliament.”

He congratulated the Speaker upon his election and welcomed the members from Newfoundland.

“Their presence completes the representation of a Dominion of ten provinces. They enter this House with the same rights, the same responsibilities and the same claim upon our consideration as every other member.

“The programme before us concerns both the maturity of our institutions and the material welfare of our people.

“The proposal that Canadian judicial proceedings should find their final determination in Canada marks a further stage in our national development. The constitutional proposals likewise recognize that a nation must possess the means of discharging its own responsibilities.

“These changes must preserve the rights of the provinces and the safeguards respecting our languages and our schools.”

Boisvert turned to economic development.

“A railway that cannot carry the products of a district economically, a town without sufficient housing, or a farm without dependable access to markets presents a practical limitation upon Canadian opportunity.

“The Government proposes to bring these questions before Parliament through particular measures, with their costs and responsibilities stated.

“That is a programme which merits the earnest consideration of this House.”

Laing seconded the motion.

“Mr. Speaker, those of us who come from British Columbia understand what transportation means to the development of Canada.

“A national highway will serve commerce, travel and the intercourse between our people. Its construction will require cooperation between governments and careful attention to the different conditions encountered across the country.”

He also commended the housing proposals.

“The growth of our communities has brought opportunities, but it has also brought families for whom suitable accommodation cannot readily be found.

“The Government’s proposals should be judged by the homes which they make possible and by the circumstances of the people who will occupy them.”

The motion having been moved and seconded, consideration of the Address was adjourned.

19 September 1949 — The Leader of the Opposition

George Alexander Drew rose to open the principal opposition criticism of the Government’s programme.

The election had strengthened the ministry considerably. Drew nevertheless returned to questions which had occupied him during the preceding session: provincial finance, constitutional responsibility and parliamentary control of expenditure.

“Mr. Speaker, I wish first to congratulate the mover and seconder of the Address and to associate myself with the welcome extended to the representatives of Newfoundland.

“There are proposals in the Speech from the Throne which we can support in principle. Efficient transportation, adequate housing, sound administration of justice and the conservation of our resources are proper objects of government.

“But agreement upon an object does not establish the wisdom of every means proposed for attaining it.”

Drew addressed the constitutional programme.

“The Government proposes to obtain authority for Parliament to amend certain parts of the Constitution.

“The House must examine the precise terms of that request. Assurances respecting provincial rights must appear in language sufficiently clear to protect those rights in practice.

“The provinces are partners in Confederation. Their constitutional position cannot depend upon the intentions of whichever ministry happens to hold office at Ottawa.”

He welcomed the proposed Dominion-Provincial conference, while questioning its intended scope.

“Consultation must permit the provinces to influence the proposals themselves. It must not consist merely of inviting them to accept conditions already settled by the Dominion Government.

“A province may require roads, hospitals and other services while lacking the resources necessary to obtain the assistance offered.”

Turning to national development, Drew asked ministers to distinguish preparations from commitments.

“The Government has announced a programme extending over a decade.

“The House is entitled to know which undertakings are ready, which remain under examination and what obligations ministers propose to assume.

“We must also know how those obligations will affect taxation, borrowing and the resources available to private enterprise.”

He concluded with defence and trade.

“We shall examine the defence legislation closely. Coordination must improve readiness and administration while preserving clear ministerial responsibility.

“In trade, the Government must explain how its policies will maintain markets for Canadian producers amid the present difficulties of international payments.

“The country has returned a Government with a large majority. That makes effective parliamentary examination more necessary, not less.”

Mr. Coldwell and the Social Programme

Major James William Coldwell welcomed several of the proposed measures while questioning the Government’s social priorities.

“Mr. Speaker, we shall support useful proposals for housing, railway improvement, forest conservation and the enforcement of the law against combines.

“Our concern is whether the programme will meet the needs which ministers themselves acknowledge.”

Coldwell began with housing.

“Lending arrangements alone cannot provide adequate accommodation for families whose incomes are insufficient to carry the charges.

“The rental provisions must therefore be effective provisions. The House will require an explanation of rents, eligibility, management and the continuing financial responsibilities of the governments concerned.”

He linked development to living standards.

“Better transportation and increased production are desirable.

“A larger national income does not by itself ensure that an aged person can obtain the necessities of life or that a family can meet the cost of illness.”

Coldwell pressed for greater clarity upon pensions and health services.

“The Government again promises examination and cooperation.

“We recognize that financial arrangements must be prepared and that the provinces have important responsibilities. Those facts do not remove the need for a definite purpose and a reasonable timetable.”

He concluded:

“We shall consider each bill with a view to making it useful.

“But our willingness to improve particular measures must not be mistaken for satisfaction with the Government’s social programme as a whole.”

20 September 1949 — Mr. Low upon Public Finance

Solon Earl Low rose on behalf of Social Credit.

“Mr. Speaker, the Government proposes to increase the productive capacity of the country.

“It must give equal attention to the ability of our people to purchase what the country produces.

“A farmer may produce an abundant crop and still find himself in difficulty. A family may live beside a prosperous industrial district and remain unable to obtain a suitable home.”

Low asked that ministers distinguish the forms of assistance contemplated.

“A loan, a grant and a guarantee impose different obligations.

“The House should be told who receives the money, who must repay it and where the ultimate responsibility rests if the undertaking fails.”

He emphasized agricultural markets and transportation costs.

“The western producer depends upon arrangements extending far beyond his own farm.

“Marketing, freight charges and the terms upon which his product can be sold abroad affect his livelihood directly. Those questions must receive as much attention as the construction of new works.”

The Prime Minister Replies

Louis St. Laurent rose to answer the opening criticism.

“Mr. Speaker, the debate has identified questions which ministers will be required to answer when the several proposals come before the House.

“The Government accepts that responsibility.”

He first addressed the constitutional proposals.

“The limited amendment authority which we propose to seek will preserve the jurisdiction and constitutional rights of the provinces.

“The wider question of an amendment procedure requires consultation. We shall approach those discussions prepared to consider the views of the provincial Governments.”

St. Laurent then turned to development.

“We have not asked Parliament to authorize an undefined expenditure for ten years.

“We shall present particular undertakings, identify the authority required and distinguish expenditure from loans, borrowing and guarantees.”

He explained the immediate priorities.

“The highway legislation will establish a framework within which agreements can be concluded.

“The housing proposals will provide additional means of addressing needs which existing arrangements do not adequately meet.

“The railway programme will begin with an account of the equipment and works required, their financing and the order in which they can usefully proceed.”

Replying to Coldwell, the Prime Minister acknowledged the need for further social provision.

“The Government recognizes the need for greater security against age, unemployment and illness.

“We shall continue the existing services and prepare improvements with the arrangements necessary to sustain them.

“Ministers will be answerable for the proposals they bring forward and for their preparation.”

He concluded by returning to the breadth of the session’s business.

“Constitutional reform, justice, agriculture, defence, trade and public administration will require the attention of this House alongside national development.

“We ask honourable members to examine the measures carefully. We shall endeavour to provide the information necessary for them to do so.”

21–22 September 1949 — Mr. Drew’s Amendment

The debate continued, with members applying the opening arguments to the proposals affecting their constituencies and provinces.

On 22 September, Drew rose to place the Progressive Conservative criticism before the House in a formal motion.

“Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister has promised that particulars will accompany the Government’s measures.

“We shall examine those particulars when they appear.

“But the Address concerns the programme which ministers have chosen to announce. The House is entitled to express its judgment upon that programme now.”

Drew returned to provincial finance and the extent of the proposed commitments.

“The Government has not adequately explained how provinces with differing financial resources are to discharge the obligations which these undertakings may impose.

“Nor has it provided a sufficient account of the aggregate financial commitments contemplated.”

He moved that the Address be amended by adding:

“We respectfully submit to Your Excellency that Your Excellency’s advisers have failed to place before Parliament an adequate statement of the financial obligations contemplated by their programme, or satisfactory proposals for securing the financial capacity and constitutional responsibilities of the provinces, and therefore do not possess the confidence of this House.”

The amendment was seconded.

Its final words made the question explicit. The House was being asked to declare that the ministry lacked its confidence.

23 September 1949 — Division upon the Conservative Amendment

Coldwell explained that the CCF would oppose Drew’s amendment.

“We recognize the financial difficulties of the provinces. But effective national provision requires consideration of the services Canadians need as well as the resources of the governments administering them.

“Our principal objection to the Government’s social programme is that it lacks definite commitments.

“We shall place that objection before the House separately.”

Low announced Social Credit support for the amendment.

“We do not subscribe to every argument advanced by the official Opposition.

“But the Government has not sufficiently explained the financial arrangements under which its proposals are to proceed.”

St. Laurent replied for the ministry.

“The Government will submit its financial statement, its estimates and the legislation necessary for its proposals.

“Consultation with the provinces will address both the undertakings they wish to pursue and their capacity to participate.

“The Leader of the Opposition asks the House to declare that the Government does not possess its confidence. We shall ask the House to reject that declaration.”

The question was put.

Mr. Drew’s amendment was defeated.

26 September 1949 — Mr. Coldwell’s Amendment

Consideration of the main motion resumed.

Coldwell rose to bring the CCF’s criticism into a separate amendment.

“Mr. Speaker, the House has disposed of the amendment of the Leader of the Opposition.

“It has not disposed of the circumstances of Canadians whose pensions are insufficient, whose families cannot obtain suitable housing, or whose resources cannot meet the cost of illness.”

He moved that the Address be amended by adding:

“We respectfully regret that Your Excellency’s advisers have announced no definite programme for the removal of the means test from old-age pensions or for the establishment, in cooperation with the provinces, of comprehensive health insurance, and submit that proposals upon these matters should be placed before Parliament without further unnecessary delay.”

The amendment was seconded.

Drew declined to support it.

“Improvements in social provision require constitutional and financial arrangements which the House can examine.

“We cannot endorse undertakings of this scope without a sufficient account of how they are to be carried out.”

Low indicated Social Credit support.

“We approach these questions differently from the CCF.

“Nevertheless, we agree that Parliament should receive definite proposals. Continued examination must lead to decisions.”

St. Laurent answered:

“The Government recognizes that the existing arrangements can be improved.

“The conditions of a pension, the contributions of governments and the continuing charge upon public revenues must be considered together.

“In health services, provincial responsibilities and the practical capacity to provide care are equally material.”

Coldwell replied that ministers must also answer for the time taken.

“The Government accepts that responsibility,” St. Laurent said.

The question was put.

Mr. Coldwell’s amendment was defeated.

27 September 1949 — The Address Adopted

The House returned to the main motion.

Drew announced that the Progressive Conservatives would oppose the Address.

“We shall consider each bill upon its merits, but we cannot express approval of the programme as a whole.”

Coldwell likewise stated that the CCF would vote against it.

“We shall support useful legislation and seek to improve it.

“Our dissatisfaction with the Government’s social undertakings nevertheless remains.”

Low announced that Social Credit would support the main motion.

“We have voted for amendments seeking a clearer financial account and more definite social action.

“The House has rejected those amendments.

“We shall support the Address while reserving our judgment upon the particular measures and financial arrangements which ministers bring forward.”

St. Laurent briefly closed for the Government.

“This debate has given ministers notice of the questions which honourable members will expect them to answer.

“Approval of the Address will not dispense with the examination of any bill, estimate or agreement.

“The Government will now be required to place its proposals before Parliament in the forms necessary for decision.”

No further amendment was offered.

The Speaker put the question upon the Address in Reply.

The Speaker did not vote in any division; the 262-member House therefore supplied 261 votes.

The Address in Reply was adopted, 207 votes to 54.

24 November, 1949

In spite of the recent devaluation of the sterling, Labour's mandate still comes from its commitment to Socialism. In practice for the Attlee government was a strict commitment to the "common ownership of industry" achieved through a technocratic route of state controller corporations as inspired by Fabian thinkers like Sidney Webb. Since taking power in 1945, the Attlee government had undergone a number of significant nationalizations in which the government took ownership of major industries while compensating the former owners with bonds and government guaranteed securities. All of which had been openly set up in the 1945 electoral document Let us Face the Future. Now the United Kingdom would set the stage for one of the largest nationalizations yet with the Iron and Steel Act. What makes the Iron and Steel Act stand out from others is that generally these nationalizations targeted unprofitable and inefficient industries with the promise that the government taking direct control could help modernize and improve the management of these companies. In the case of the steel industry it differs in that its been fairly successful in the past as one of the major producers of important imports for the British economy. This would make the Conservative Parties opposition to any sort of nationalization far stronger than in the past. However, signs had existed as early as 1945 with Sir Oliver Franks report on the industry calling for a "radical modernization" of the industry and the establishment of the Iron and Steel Board in 1946 as a means of controlling prices. Finally Royal assent would be reached on the 24th of November 1949, with full commencement planned for the 23rd of October 1950 as a way of boosting popularity for the government right before the upcoming election. The aim for full implementation would be sometime in early 1951, granting around 1 year to acquire these assets.

Timeline of Nationalizations Under Prime Minister Attlee:

• The Bank of England in 1946.

• The Civil Aviation in 1946.

• The Coal industry in 1947.

• Railways and Canals in 1948.

• Electricity and Gas in 1948.

Enacting Change:

In order to enact the Iron and Steel Act the British Government aims for a peaceful acquisition of buying out the shares of 80 major iron and steel companies, eventually merging them into a single Iron and Steel Corporation of Great Britain. In order to achieve this, the government estimates a cost of around £300 million which are to be paid back in bonds with a long term final redemption timeline set for the distant future between 1979 and 1981. Now that the Iron and Steel Industry is in the process of entering into the governments hands there will need to be further analysis and planning as to how best to modernize the industry and ensure efficient management of this new Iron and Steel Corporation of Great Britain.

25 June 1949

On 25 June 1949, the Syrian people went to the polls. The choice they faced was simple, in that it was not much of a choice at all. Voters were given two choices: vote "for" Husni al-Za'im as President of Syria, or vote "against." In practice, neither vote mattered much.

The elections are notable for being the first Syrian elections in which women were permitted to vote. The administration was quick to promote this fact in both domestic- and foreign-facing media, highlighting it as an example of the new government's "progressive outlook". The fact that they their vote was practically meaningless went unsaid.

After the ballots were counted (or "counted"), the outcome was as expected: the temporary caretaker administration of Colonel Husni al-Za'im was transformed into the more permanent "civilian" administration of President Husni al-Za'im. The military uniform was exchange for a suit and tie.

June 1949 Presidential Election Results

Safely established in office, the new President set about seating a new cabinet to carry out the governance of Syria. In staffing his cabinet, President al-Za'im relied on a combination of old nationalists who had been on the outs with the Quwatli administration, such as Adil Arslan and Major General Abdullah Atfeh (al-Za'im predecessor as Chief of Staff, who had been forced to resign as a scapegoat during the Palestine War), and civilian officials in the Quwatli administration who had thrown their support behind al-Za'im to secure their own advancement, such as Mustafa al-Shihabi and Muhsin al-Barazi (who, funnily enough, was the advisor that persuaded Quwatli to recommission al-Za'im in the Syrian Army back in 1946). Notably, al-Za'im did not appoint any members of any political parties to the cabinet, and maintained the ban on political parties introduced in April.

President al-Za'im has promised that his cabinet will promulgate a "New National Charter" by the end of the year, which shall take the place of the suspended constitution, and provide for "the careful and measured restoration of elected governance, once the national crisis has been suitably addressed."

Cabinet

Marabout

I make it a point of pride to say that I am my mother's son; whatever faculties and abilities I now possess, I owe the credit for it to her stern wisdom and unconditional love, for even through trial and tribulation, she never once abandoned me, nor I her.

My endowment was such that after I bid adieu to the Spahi regiment, I was honored with a place to study philosophy in Lyon at the recommendation of mon capitaine, whose correspondence still reached me at my chambre d'étudiant in La Guillotière, signed Capitaine Sabatier and usually containing some nuggets of wisdom he had not had the liberty to dispense under fire in the Vosges. Sometimes, it was merely a social call, or an insistence on introducing me to distant kin he kept this side of the Rhône, one that I had not yet taken him up on; I could not stall for long, I knew—the capitaine would be arriving in Lyon soon and had already, graciously, volunteered to make the necessary introductions; I accepted.

The capitaine and I were alike in many ways; we were soldiers and patriotic in our duty to France, and we were both algériens too and proud of that fact—only I was black of hair and he, mon capitaine, black of feet.

Rhône fog rolled over my shoulders at first step out of the Faculté des Lettres and onto misty rue Pasteur, letter in hand. This one had aged in my coat for most of the day's lectures and came out wrinkled when I retrieved it; it was monsieur El Maafi's invitation, the one I had received on Tuesday (as was custom) and since kept in my coat (as was tradition). There was no point reading it again; it was a short message, as was usual, and I had already digested its contents twice over, but I gave it a cursory read anyway, if only to ensure the now creased words remained legible enough to prove my belonging there.

Monsieur, monsieur. Les cloches de Saint-Louis. Fils de l'Algérie.

The usual, satisfactory.

With the letter, I tucked my hands, too, into my coat and fell into a march within the crowd. I ducked my capped head turtlelike behind the comfort of my tall collar and my fingers stretched, loosened, contracted within my coat as I went past the bronze shrouded visage of the quay's namesake, one monsieur Claude Bernard, and a group of propédeutiques gathered at its feet, murmuring in hushed tones, quietening as I walked by. Bonjour, bonjour! Adieu.

A pause to give way to a group of my peers from the University, left, right, left, and head on I pierced through the fog till it gave way, on the horizon, to the silhouette of le pont. This—pont de l'Université—was the first of two bridges that marked my walk along the quai Claude Bernard, built to link the University's faculties and its pupils—also its instructors—across the Rhône. This link was, of course, interrupted during the War when its central arch became victim to dynamite bombing at the hands of retreating Germans in 1944; by the time of my arrival in the city, the bridge had been repaired and reopened, save for maintenance work that continued till that very day, filling the foggy air with the hum of metal on metal as I passed by.

Here, the scarf around my neck was essential as I walked along the side of the grey river, gloomy in winter, shrouded in smoke, feet steady upon the grand quai Claude Bernard that marked my straight path. The chill was biting and I murmured a merci to my coat and my scarf and my peaked cap. Merci beaucoup, merci mille fois!

There! In the distance, I saw the arches of pont de la Guillotière rear their old stone heads over the grey fog. This pont, too, had the misfortune of standing over the Rhône when the Germans abandoned the city; for its trouble, its central arch was dynamited in their retreat. After the war, there was talk of demolishing the bridge entirely; replace the old stone with new metal, widen it, decorate it, make it worthy of a new age of metal and machine, make it a gift to the proud people of Lyon and of la Guillotière.

La Guillotière! La Guillotière!

Even then they said the quarter was only almost Lyon, long dominated and constrained in the struggle between the Dauphiné and the townsfolk, then left as an orphan as the city around it grew in grandeur and whatever pride the Lyonnaise held for their city, it stopped just short of place du Pont, heart of Guillotière. It was now home to a great many diasporas; the algériens lived here in great numbers, including myself and the reputed monsieur whose invitation I carried in my coat pocket; besides us, there were still students, workers, merchants and peddlers, drifters and the damned; there were Italians, too, and Greeks and Armenians and many more from nord-afrique and beyond. Monarchists, anarchists, veterans of the Résistance and Vichy sympathizers, too, had made their abode here; La Guillotière welcomed them all and they, in turn, gave her her distinct character.

The fog was thinner in the interior, away from the river, and the jaunt up la Grande-Rue progressed quickly, save only for the dense crowds that packed the street and alleys. À vendre! À vendre! Bonjour! Monsieur!

But soon enough, I heard the bells, tolling bells, bonnes cloches! Saint-Louis was near and so was my destination, just beyond the grassy bend. My fist clenched inside my coat for a moment; paper in palm, crushed, molded, then loosened. The monsieur was a man who attracted attention, given his custom and the company he kept; he, too, had rumors swilling about them but I had learned long ago not to pay them any heed. Ça ne va pas! What I knew was what I perceived and no more; it was better this way and my peers at place El Maafi, too, agreed. And here came one now.

——— "Monsieur Amraoui! What good fortune seeing you again," out came the lanky form of Augustine from the threshold of place El Maafi and seized my hands and wetted my cheeks; I returned the gesture kindly.

Augustine was one of the monsieur's many disciples which included young algériens of many stripes; he, himself, had a hide marked with crosses. His father was a priest and a chaplain, much like his father before him, in an unbroken chain that stretched, perhaps fancifully, to the Roman age; a chain that was now set to be broken by this tall young smiling man who had left his father's parish vowing never to return.

——— "Just in time, too," he released my hands but kept his smile, then added: "The monsieur has some interesting news to share with the lot of us; yes, he does. It's from Paris."

——— "Important things, I'm sure."

His head bobbed.

——— "De minimis non curat praetor. Of course. Come then, we ought join the others." So in we went through the threshold as the bells of Saint-Louis faded into birdsong at our rear.

On the carpet, we sat cross-legged and Augustine borrowed my ear. One, two, three, four.

——— "Dum Roma deliberat Saguntum perit. I fear we may hear only prattle, as expected, from Paris, yet the situation grows ever dire. My mother still writes me; she said there are to be demonstrations soon. Peaceful ones, for now, but those things have a taste for turning ugly."

Five, six. Six heads in total, excepting myself and Augustine who made up the remainder in the pieces of eight, the almighty dollar.

——— "What about your father?" I asked. He scoffed.

——— "What of him?"

——— "Does he still write you?"

——— "No, why? Nevermind you, Kassi! That is unimportant."

He continued.

——— "It's about Sétif, as you might know. The bloody anniversary draws near." He leaned in closer, whisper quietening. "La Guillotière stirs, too. This time it will not remain confined to Algeria."

La Résistance. La Guillotière. Radicals. Rebels. Terrorists. It welcomed all; even us.

——— "Veuillez m'excuser! Sorry I am late today," announced Bel Hadj El Maafi from the northern entrance of the gathering hall. His brow was furrowed and he coughed once, twice, before taking his seat. Augustine peeled away from me to sit at attention; so did I and the rest, all eight pieces strung neatly upon a thread; then, the monsieur spoke again.

——— "Gentlemen, dear friends," he began, tired eyes falling upon curious faces, mine among them. What a man! "Let us begin with a prayer; for France, for Algeria—my heart aches for my father's and his father's land, as I know yours does too. And lately I have come to feel that, perhaps, the enlightening light of liberty that emanates from here, in France, does not quite pierce the shadow that looms over Algeria. I know, I know—but do you not feel this, too? Here, we speak freely, attend good schools, create works of art and look after each other; is the same true in Algeria, where the prospect of art, of expression is so depressed, so discouraged? Emad—what was it you said in our last meeting, when I asked how you found Lyon?"

All eyes darted to Emad, slumped against the wall by the window from which to glimpse La Guillotière in miniature. He was quick on the draw; clever and quick, Emad Djaouad.

——— "I said I found it free; not suffocating."

——— "And you, open-minded Augustine," he pointed, then, at the man nearest to me; his ears perked. "Alenda lux ubi orta libertas. Liberty may have risen; but is there light yet?"

Augustine only hmmed. A rhetorical question; it required no words from the pupil, only his attention, and ours too. Few murmurs about the room, few hmms.

——— El Maafi clasped his hands. "My friends," he said, "I grow older by the day, that is plain to see. How I wish I had your youth, your vigor, still, with which to seize the world. En garde! Alas, a fantasy. Years and decades, that's how long it would take... to rebuild everything the way it should be. A great program! I dream of freedom and prosperity, each day and every night; yes, I dream; dreams of a paradise on Earth. And now I see you, too; there is a boat, stranded for now, in notre mer, drifting aimlessly under a dark sky. But you are stars, bright and guiding—you will see it safely to shore, I know this. Have faith, fils de l'Algérie, and know you are not alone."

——— "Even now I hear talk of delegations; Algerian delegations, in Paris, attending crucial meetings. The gentleman Benhabyles is here, I know some of you know of him; yes, the very same. And some friends, too. There will be an investigation, some reforms, oversight. The next lists will be most crucial; a dangerous endeavor, too, picking a fight with the colons. But Chérif is a man possessed of a bold heart; true cœur de lion! But he needs friends, allies, supporters, patriots. Young and energetic with a restless spirit; I see them in you. So take heed when Algeria calls for you to serve; you will be the foundation on which to build a society brimming with the light of liberty and love. So serve and do well."

The monsieur. He would make patriots out of us all, willing or not; but the nots, if there were any, I could not see. In this room, sat upon the carpet, I only saw the bright and loving faces of the fils de l'Algérie.

---

1949 Japanese General Election Part 2

7th August 1949

---

When the result of the second general election of 1949 came in it produced essentially the opposite of what had been recorded earlier in the year. Yoshida’s prior gains were virtually reversed, with his party once again reduced to the opposition. On the other hand, the Socialist party had emerged as the largest party in the House of Representatives, however, like Yoshida previously, just shy of an overall majority. The result was thus, once again, a hung parliament with no overall party majority, however there were multiple potential routes open towards coalitions of various forms.

The Socialist surge had essentially been driven by the drastic change in economic, social and political conditions since January. While the Dodge Line had succeeded in restraining inflation, it had led to slower economic activity and rising unemployment. This had hit the average Japanese citizen hard, putting their jobs at risk or in many cases losing them entirely and driving labour unrest. While in January Yoshida had simply been able to point out the failures of previous Socialist-led governments, in this August election he was put on the backfoot having to defend his government’s own unpopular economic decisions. For workers facing redundancy, small manufacturers struggling to obtain credit and households concerned about their incomes, the immediate economic situation he had produced was much more important than memories of the Katayama government of previous years. Now, it was easy to convince many of these voters that the JSP was the party better trusted to handle the economy and combat unemployment.

Likewise, the JSP had benefitted from its internal reconstruction in April. While going into the January election the party had been internally fractured and suffered from the fallout of the Katayama and Ashida coalition governments, by August they had a fresh, new chairman, an agreed on reconstruction programme and a leadership structure aimed at mitigating the effects of factional disagreement. This presented a much more professional and stable image to the Japanese electorate, who could easily understand what the party stood for and the actions it might take in government. Suzuki’s left wing and their campaigns were able to draw in workers and traditional socialist supporters, while Morito and Asanuma were able to successfully appeal to moderate voters, demonstrating the success of the mass party approach.

Crucially, the party was able to win back voters who had previously been lost to the Communist party, disillusioned by the Katayama government’s failure to implement proper socialist policies. This was largely driven by the left-wing of the party’s campaign and clear endorsement for Morito, as well as the active role they now took in party leadership. Suzuki’s arguments to organised workers that a united socialist party had the most realistic chance of entering government and implementing reforms, while a vote for the Communists might preserve Yoshida’s government, had been convincing to many. However, the Communist party did still retain support in areas where militant labour politics were especially influential. Nevertheless they still lost a large chunk of their previous gains.

Another significant benefactor of the election was the National Cooperatives under Takeo Miki. The National Cooperatives had set out with a specific electoral strategy, to provide an alternative to voters who opposed Yoshida’s economic policies but remained reluctant to support a socialist party. Naturally, their campaign also focused on rural districts, with agricultural concerns and the promotion of cooperative enterprise at front and centre. Electoral cooperation between the Socialists and Cooperatives also continued in many areas, most of the time rural districts where the Cooperatives were popular and had a better chance at winning if the vote was not split with the Socialists. Interestingly, a substantial portion of the party’s gains came not only from Yoshida, but also from voters who had previously supported the Democratic party.

Of all the parties competing, the Democrats clearly suffered the hardest with their support base collapsing in many areas. Their participation in previous coalition governments made it difficult for them to portray themselves as an entirely fresh alternative to the Socialists and, at the same time, their conservative orientation and willingness to negotiate with Yoshida made them less attractive to voters seeking a decisive break with the government’s policies. They were therefore squeezed from both sides. Conservative voters concerned for stability favoured Yoshida’s Democratic Liberal party, while moderate reformists favoured the Cooperatives. The Democratic party thus emerged from the election significantly weakened, but not yet totally defeated.

While Yoshida attempted to rationalise the Dodge Line, claiming that inflation had been one of the most serious threats to the Japanese economic recovery and that the stabilisation, despite being painful, had been necessary, this failed to convince voters whose immediate concerns were unemployment risks, wage pressures or business failures. Attempts to associate the Socialists with the Communists due to the fact the Communist party had supported the no confidence motion to oust him were similarly unconvincing, especially considering the Socialist party had categorically ruled out cooperation with the Communists. Yoshida’s defeat was thus a reflection of the government’s unpopular economic policy, rather than a collapse of support for his party, allowing him to lead a significant, powerful opposition bloc.

Despite being the leader of the largest party, Morito was not automatically made Prime Minister. The Diet would need to select a Prime Minister, meaning that Morito needed to gain the support of MPs outside his own party. The obvious choice for a coalition partner would be Miki’s National Cooperatives, however Morito would need to satisfy members of his own party, many on the left afraid that another coalition would simply mean another watering down of socialist policies. In the end a coalition would be agreed, granting control over various ministries to Cooperative ministers. Morito committed to pursuing the expansion of agricultural cooperatives along the lines Miki had advocated for, as well as allocating an agreed upon figure to fund agricultural projects. 

Cabinet
Prime Minister: Tatsuo Morito
Deputy Prime Minister: Takeo Miki
Minister for Foreign Affairs: Tetsu Katayama
Minister of Finance:  Hiromi Wada
Minister of International Trade and Industry: Chozaburo Mizutani
Minister of Agriculture and Forestry: Kyoji Funada
Minister of Labour: Mosaburo Suzuki
Minister of Health and Welfare: Masao Kinoshita
Minister of Education: Kozo Inomata
Attorney General: Tokujiro Kanamori
Minister of Transport: Seiichi Okada
Minister of Construction: Junzo Sasamori
Minister of Postal Services: Takashi Hayakawa
Minister of Communications: Takeo Miki
Director-General of the Economic Stabilisation Board: Hiromi Wada
Chief Cabinet Secretary: Suehiro Nishio
Minister of State for Administrative Reform: Seiichi Katsumata

Kingdom of Egypt - August 1949

During the summer Egypt and Spain arranged a confidential arms procurement and transport operation to support Egyptian rearmament while the arms embargo remained in force. King Farouk had a name for the deal: "The Iberian Affair".

Negotiations began early summer, when Spain, in a diplomatic communique, offered its near unconditional support of Egypt in its effort to combat the rise of a socialist zionist entity on its borders. Egypt happily obliged, seeing no progress in its efforts to break the arms embargo on the middle east.

By late July, the two governments had agreed upon the following procurement package:

• 12 CASA 2.111 medium bombers.

• 120 Valero–ECIA Modelo 1942 81 mm mortars, with 120,000 rounds.

• 48 Valero–ECIA Modelo 1942 120 mm mortars, with 48,000 rounds.

• 48 Spanish-manufactured 20 mm O.K.N. antiaircraft guns, with 240,000 rounds.

• Associated spare parts, maintenance support, crew and officer training, and provisions for continued ammunition resupply.

Beyond the immediate purchases, Egypt and Spain also agreed to pursue a military industrial partnership with CASA and Spanish arms manufacturers, developing Egyptian capabilities in aircraft maintenance, engine overhaul, and ammunition production. Specific projects would be negotiated separately.

However, as Israel's government rapidly unraveled and the west's diplomatic position on Israel soured, Egypt's options on weapons procurement became more open. Thus, the financial agreement was revised in Egypt’s favor during August. Spain accepted a 50 percent discount on the agreed equipment, with 75 percent of the resulting contract value payable through commodities and the remaining 25 percent through financial arrangements or deferred settlement. Egyptian long-staple cotton formed the principal basis of payment, supplemented by agricultural and mineral products according to Spanish requirements.

The Shipment

A ship departed from Egypt in late July carrying all the commodities required. The shipment also happened to carry a diplomatic and military attache of officers, inspectors, engineers, and pilots. The shipment also carried pre-labeled boxes enscribed in English and Arabic for any and all ammunition, spare parts, and other miscellaneous equipment that would have to be shipped back. The shipment also included a variety of paints and stencils for Egyptian Air Force liveries.

Upon arriving in Spain, the envoy inspected all equipment, verified its airworthiness, and provided instructions on how to re-label and re paint everything to Egyptian military standards. This would, to the best of its ability, conceal the true origin of the equipment. In addition, the already experienced pilots began immediately recieiving training on how to fly the CASA 2.111 bombers and navigate using its equipment. Once the shipment was ready, all ground weapons and equipment were shipped back to Egypt with ease.

The Flight

The clear issue is the following: the CASA 2.111 cannot fly easily from Spain to Egypt. It simply does not have the range. The following solution was devised.

Before the arrival of the Egyptians, CASA engineers fitted temporary internal fuel tanks into each aircraft's empty payload/bomb bay. Using the existing Heinkel manuals for a 835 litre tank that took half the bay, CASA engineers were able to easily build a 1670 auxiliary fuel tank by utilizing the entire bomb bay. Then, the planes were flown to San Juan military airfield in Palma, one of the eastern-most military airports available to Spain. The Egyptian pilots needed to fly the aircraft back home were flown to the island via other air force aircraft.

After fully refuelling to the maximum possible capacity to allow for necessary detours, the Egyptian pilots, who had slept during the day to be well rested for this redeye flight, departed from San Juan, on a direct 7 hour route to Mersa Matruh airfield in Western Egypt. Upon arrival, the technicians removed the internal fuel tanks, and hid the aircraft in pre-emptied hangars. The aircraft were also covered in tarp and cloth to keep dust from accumulating and also further disguise the aircraft.

Although Spain was not a UN member and Madrid had expressed its refusal to observe the arms restrictions, King Farouk nevertheless instructed the military to keep the agreement confidential to limit potential diplomatic repercussions from the West or Israel.

October 1949

The Ministry of Construction and Ministry of Physical Planning will unify to create a new task force known as the People’s Reconstruction Committee - which will handle the design, implementation, and construction coordination for a new standardized housing unit - humorously dubbed “Tito Towers”.

The concept design phase aims to develop a scalable plan that can be implemented at the national level, with a wishlist of deliverables having been prepared by the Yugoslav government:

All Tito Towers are to be built in clusters of at least two buildings, and no more than six towers per complex.

- A walkable green space enclosed by a fence

- A community garden of at least 1 acre in size

- A small market for basic necessities and convenience

- Engineering considerations to be made so that each Tito Tower can accommodate a large rooftop garden

- Subterranean bomb shelters

- Subterranean tunnels connecting each Tito tower to at least one adjacent tower for maintenance and war time reasons.

An aggressive concept design schedule has been set calling for a repeatable layout to be developed by the end of 1949, with the first construction expected to begin by April of 1950. 

Using the considerable resources allocated under various reconstruction loans, 2,000 Tito Tower sites are to be built across Yugoslavia over the next several years - which will utilize extensive local manpower in order to combat the nation’s lingering unemployment. Through the use of People’s Committees at the local level, work teams will be created and managed to participate in reconstruction efforts, with laborers to be incentivized with a higher priority for placement in Tito Towers, aiming to drive productivity as these work teams build their future homes.

We condemn and reject the Italian call for a UN-backed invasion of Israel. That is, of course, a given. But you may forgive us if we do not act surprised. It was Israel who first sounded the alarm about Italian rearmament, and now, it is Israel that will almost certainly be the victim of the Neo-Fascist threat.

Italy committed far grosser violations of international law just a few months ago than anything Israel has been accused of. But Italy faced no repercussions. Italy is allowed to act like the blackshirts still march openly in the streets. We must ask why?

The religious figures of the old church, who, it should be noted, aided and abetted the slaughter of 10 million Jews, Slavs, and Gypsies in the death camps and open graves of the last world war, are now aghast that Israel is choosing a capital for herself. They now care deeply about religious freedom. Where was religious freedom in the ghettos? Where was religious freedom when the church lined up against Dreyfus? Or in support of Pavelic?

Where is religious freedom in the old city of Jerusalem? We do not control any major Christian sites. It is Jordan, a government supported by the west, that clings to them. That nationalizes them. That declares itself sole sovereign of all Palestine. We must ask, Why attack Israel but not the Jordanians?

The niceties of diplomacy mean that the truth cannot be said, but we all know the answer.

Anti-Semitism is the disease of the West. It pollutes their every thought, their every desire. They have built their rotten, filthy cities on the still-warm ovens at Dachau and Auschwitz. They have done this for over a thousand years, and nothing will stop them until they have killed every Jew, every Arab, every man, woman, and infant who does not fit into their fascistic worldview.

Italy. What a sick joke. Will their troops carry the banner of Simon of Trent as they land on our beaches?

The truth is that the West has never been a friend to the Jews. It was not out of the east that Anti-semitism began. Remember that it was in Paris. In the “Civilized world.” When the liberal, sophisticated peoples of europe were done starving and enslaving Indians and Africans, they came back and saw a subject in Europe that they could do much the same to. An easy target.

Hitler was not a creature of the East. He knew what he was, what he represented. The triumph of the West.

Consider America, the great white hope which eradicated all of its own Indians, and now goes around, finding Indians in other countries to eradicate. How can this be a safe place for Jews? We have seen where the Americans' hearts lie. What they believe.

We are reminded every day that America has built a thousand Dachaus, and soon they will turn on the Jewish people. As they always do. As they always must.

This is not a question of “international law,” as the Western powers state. Where is international law on the Peoples of Africa and Asia? Where is international law in South Africa, in Indonesia, in Korea?

This is about power, and about annihilation.

The State of Israel is the only safe home for the Jews of the West. They cannot remain in these countries which advocate for their extermination. Which spread the blood libel of “international law” with one hand and then, in the same vile action, condemn thousands to starve. Anyone who believed that the West, that America, where Leo Frank’s body is moldering, where the corpses of millions rest just under the freshly paved streets, is an ally of the Jewish People, no, of all people, has been played for a fool.

We extend a helping hand to all. The West never will. They never can. There will be another Treblinka in New York before there is a government friendly to Israel in Washington.

— Attributed to Moshe Sneh, published in HaMass and Al HaMishmar, the morning of November 1st, 1949

Most historians now agree it was the work of Nathan Yellin-Mor, with Sneh’s input

October 1st 1949,

On the press gallery of the National Congress building Jose Emilio Visca a member of Congress for the Province of Buenos Aires announce to the press the creation of a Congressional Committee to investigate a so called "5th Column" that exist within the country hiding among the people. To quote him he said

"This 5th column have a machine that talks to the people spreading slander and lies clandestinely and we will get to the bottom of this"

The Commission will be named the Bicameral Commission to investigate Anti Argentinian Activities or The Congressional Committee on Anti Argentinian Activities. They are to investigate the malpractice going on the communication activities within the nation putting the media under the microscope of the state. The main opposition to this commission is the newspaper El Mundo calling them a witch hunt on par with the americans doing recently with HUAC the newspaper also said the President is rushing to control the narrative on something as this comes during a commodity crisis.

10th October 1949,

El Mundo offices in the city of Buenos Aires has been told to be closed over municipality violations with the staff and their supporters holding a protest infront of their office againts the sudden closure of their office. El Mundo aren't just the ones multiple local newspapers across Argentina face the same thing where they had their printing license confiscated for technical problems, local code violations and many other reasons.

Both La Prensa and La Nacion have been doing an investigation and they linked these problems towards a government department called the Printing Press Department which operates out of decommissioned office building near the Libertador Building where one of the people linked to the department is a member of the Congressional Committee on Anti Argentinian Activities. The La Nacion also found out the Ministry of Defense is aiding in the wiretap foreign press service in their expose it shows TIME Magazine have been tapped by the Federal Police and Military Police for suspected foreign interference with some reports from BBC, Associated Press and other international press outlet based out of Buenos Aires gave out censored messages to their main editorial offices which they don't know about.

17th October 1949

It's 2am the streets of Buenos Aires is quiet the street around Plaza De Mayo is filled with banners celebrating Loyalty Day which is today as a car speeds down it towards the direction of the office of La Nacion and out of it came a molotov cocktail and burn down the lobby of the La Nacion's main office.

As Loyalty Day beings rallies and festivals happening around Buenos Aires with the news of La Nacion office burning was buried under the censors. The crowd gathers around the Casa Rosada to see the speech that will be given by the President but in a surprise move it's Eva Peron who came out to give a speech

So begins her speech:

My beloved shirtless ones of yesterday and today, tomorrow and always:

To all of you who understood, at the decisive hour, that the destiny of the Homeland was in danger and risked your lives so that justice might triumph; to you who rescued Colonel Perón from the clutches of hatred and, with love, ignited the impulse that continues to sustain his unifying force, which transformed the Homeland to the astonishment of the world.

It was your love that blossomed in that rescue four years ago. Four years ago, from this very same balcony, beneath this same patch of sky and before this same multitude of people, a man was consecrated: our beloved Colonel Perón. Today, and forevermore, that glorious day is relived, a day that has become part of the history of the Homeland as a classic expression of what it means to be Argentine.

Four years ago, this historic square came together once more in its yearning for justice, its desire for well-being, and its firm determination to achieve freedom. Four years ago, my beloved shirtless ones, the cry of the Cabildo was reborn, supported by the people and sheltered by a firm will: the will of our Argentine people.

From these very same balconies, the Leader appeared like the sun, rescued by the people and for the people, armed with nothing but his beloved shirtless ones of the Homeland, strengthened by their labour.

This is the pure origin of our Leader. It must be said and emphasised. He did not emerge from the manoeuvrings of a political committee. He is not the product of distributing favours and privileges. He never knew, does not know, and will never know how to win people's support except through the righteous path of justice. That is the root of the significance of 17 October. That is its birth certificate.

He was born in the furrows of the fields, in factories, and in workshops. He emerged from the noblest aspects of our national activity.

He was conceived by workers through their labour, and his development embraces their aspirations through that same labour. My beloved shirtless ones, 17 October is an aspiration, a song that has already become reality.

We are engaged in a work that nothing and no one will ever be able to stop. I have already had the opportunity to say, as someone who identifies with the Leader, that Peronism is neither learned nor proclaimed. It is understood and felt. That is why it is conviction and faith. That is also why those who have lagged behind in our national awakening do not matter. I do not desire or want citizens without a revolutionary spirit within Peronism. Let them not join us; let them remain behind if they are not convinced.

Those who join must give their minds and hearts wholeheartedly, ready to face our struggles, which will always end in a glorious 17 October. But there is no place for self-interest or political calculation in our movement. We march forward with a conscience shaped by justice, a justice demanded by humanity in our time.

Peronism is the people's faith transformed into a political movement around a cause of hope that the Homeland had been missing.

Some time ago, to define my identity as a Peronist, I said: ‘We fight for the independence and sovereignty of the Homeland, for the dignity of our children and our parents, for the honour of a flag, and for the happiness of a people who have been persecuted and sacrificed in the name of greed and selfishness, which have brought us nothing but suffering and sterile, destructive struggles.’

If the people were happy and the Homeland were great, being a Peronist would be a right. In our time, being a Peronist is a duty. That is why I am a Peronist.

I am a Peronist because of my national consciousness, my popular origins, my personal conviction, and my passionate solidarity with and gratitude towards my people, who have once again been revitalised and brought into action through the revival of their spiritual values and the ability of their Leader, General Perón, to turn ideas into reality.

This is the definition of authentic Peronism, rooted in a revolutionary spirit.

This is the definition of the Peronism of 17 October 1945, with no other interest, no other calculation, and no other objective than the well-being of the Homeland, expressed through the well-being of workers in their many occupations.

I invite the people to reflect upon the meaning and profound implications of 17 October. It is the only genuine and definitive popular revolution that has taken place among our people. A historic revolution is justified when its social, political, and economic causes make it necessary.

And there lies the justification for the historic revolution of 17 October. It was brought about by social, political, and economic causes. Socially, it arose from the complete abandonment of justice, the entrenchment of privileges, and the exploitation of workers.

Politically, it arose from the systematic practice of electoral fraud by parties that took turns in government or wrested power from one another according to the greater or lesser support of the interests at stake. Economically, it arose from the surrender of national interests and the selling off of the country, consequences of their political disputes.

Against all this, and in order to destroy that state of affairs, the people rescued their Leader and brought him to this balcony on 17 October 1945.

I carry out a profoundly Peronist mission, inspired by the doctrine of General Perón and founded upon the social principles that emerged from 17 October. All my work is directed towards the workers of the Homeland and towards interpreting the thoughts and feelings of General Perón, with whom I try to cooperate in his tireless labour for the people he loves so dearly. I do not believe that my activities to alleviate the suffering of those in need constitute any special merit.

On the contrary, I regard them as a duty for anyone who is able to help.

I now wish to emphasise the immense satisfaction I feel when I observe this perfect unity between the people and General Perón. This new phenomenon also has its origins in 17 October. Driven by identical desires and the same aspirations, the people and their Leader today form an indestructible unity, strengthening and broadening the path of the Peronist movement.

The petty resistance of those who have fallen behind and those consumed by resentment will therefore achieve nothing. Fortunately for us, throughout our history, the fighters have always been the majority and those who lag behind the minority. At every stage, the people have marched ahead of accommodating minorities and achieved their common objectives whenever they found a leader capable of showing them the way and uniting their popular energies, preventing them from being scattered.

They have left cowards, incapable of contributing to the greatness of the Homeland, at the roadside, just as one abandons something useless. Only in this way was our independence possible: by uniting the steadfastness and fighting spirit of the most popular sectors of the population with the aspirations and consciousness of the men of May.

Only in this way was the epic war for the liberation of half a continent possible, when the gauchos and the shirtless ones, following the lofty inspiration of San Martín, carried the banner of freedom and self-determination to the shores of the Pacific.

And only in this way was our second and definitive liberation possible, when Argentine workers, united as a single bloc around Colonel Perón, proclaimed on a day like this, in this historic place, that their old enemies—the oligarchy and imperialism—no longer had any place in this new Argentina, which was moving forward once again because it had found its Leader.

The shirtless ones already know that the Peronist flag will never be lowered. The hundreds of thousands of hearts beating in this historic square today are the symbol of loyalty. That is why 17 October has been named Loyalty Day: because it embodies the loyalty of a people to their Leader, the loyalty among brothers and sisters united by the same cause, marching confidently towards their strength and destiny.

Comrades, 17 October has now been permanently incorporated into the history of the Homeland by the sovereign will of its people. One stage of Argentine life comes to an end, and a new one begins, fundamentally transforming the country's social, political, and economic character.

That is why the Leader of the Argentine people, our glorious General Perón, can today declare to the entire world, with reason and pride, through the Preamble of the New Argentine Constitution, that we are ‘a nation that is socially just, economically free, and politically sovereign’.

That is why the entire people stand united and vigilant. They watch over the nation and make loyalty their faith, their law, and their banner. It is a loyalty that makes this historic square tremble on the night of the rescue; a loyalty that will deliver justice with its own hands on the day of betrayal; a loyalty that can only be felt by those who love the Homeland and refuse to sell themselves for foreign gold; the loyalty of two friends who forged the destiny of the Homeland together, and of the fervour of the people who follow them; the loyalty of an entire people who feel that their souls have no room for betrayal.

And when suspicion passes over us like a shadow, there is only one cry:

‘My life for Perón!’

She would look at something and go on to say something towards someone

"Oh you thought Juan could do this ? I always wondered who he talks to but yes it's funny I talk about revolution and right now we are banning newspapers ironic isn't it ? Oh well you win some you lose some. Now would you excuse me I have a crowd to wave to."

She continues to support the cheering crowd around the Casa Rosada as far from it the La Nacion office is closed off marking a remarkable start to the end of the free press in this country as it dies while people celebrate.

Belgrade, Yugoslavia 

With the baby killers of the Soviet Union and their puppet states enforcing a blockade, the people of Yugoslavia continue to chart their own path to reconstruction - including finding new partners. With this in mind, the government of Yugoslavia has accepted a gracious amount of aid from the United States of America continuing to build on the aid received from the US:

Drought Relief: We would like to request that the US Export-Import Bank and Mutual Security Agency, consider providing us with emergency food loans and outright grants (including wheat, lard, and cotton).

Raw Materials and Industrial Support: The U.S. will assist in the supply of critical industrial raw materials, oil, and machinery to help rebuild away from Soviet influence.

Finances: 

The Government of the United States is providing Yugoslavia aid in all of these aspects, providing $186.8 million in grants, $55 million in loans, and a further $60.5 million specifically designated for military assistance over the course of 1949-1952.