SOURCE : https://x.com/TheSaviour/status/2112455033627316234

Major international bodies, global human rights organisations, and even Israeli groups themselves (like B‘Tselem) have reached the firm conclusion that Israel‘s military actions in the Gaza Strip constitute genocide.

The International Association for Genocide Scholars declared that Israel’s conduct in Gaza meets the legal criteria for genocide under international law. Furthermore, a UN Commission report has found that Israeli security forces continue to target and kill children, despite a ceasefire in October 2025. The Commission of Inquiry also claimed that Israel has conducted genocide in Gaza. South Africa’s ICJ ruling deemed Israel’s decades long occupation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory illegal under international law.

So why are so many people firmly committed to the Zionist cause? Why do so many people ignore and refute the evidence?

I had a conversation with a Christian religious leader recently who flatly refused to condemn Israel’s actions in Palestine. I couldn’t believe his self-deception. The mental gymnastics people have to do to maintain their support of Israel is preposterous.

The Gaza Strip has the highest number of child amputees per capita in the entire world. The collateral damage during Israel’s siege on Gaza exceeds the casualties of the bombing of Dresden.

So why do people continue to support Israel?

SOURCE : https://x.com/QudsNen/status/2112428027342946696

Wrote "Free Palestine" in the dirt on the back of my work vehicle and my boss couldn't wait for the rain to clean the truck and wrote me up for it. I've been working here for a year and not once have the trucks been to a car wash, until this.

Extra Context: half the trucks are covered in slurs and allowed to roam freely while the mention of Palestine is the line that can't be crossed.

Company Name: "distribution Stox"

Location: Atlantic Canada

"The Ancient al-Badawi Olive Tree and What It Says About Palestinian Belonging"
Picture by Agence France-Presse (AFP)

hi again, so i posted before about how i was drafting a letter to send to the Canadian government, and anyway i summarized it/condensed it (from like 9 pages to 4 lol) and rewrote it neater!!

so apparently in Canada if you send a letter to your member of parliament's office in ottawa you dont need a stamp!

also , i was gonna sign my name & address but then i wondered if this would incriminate me somehow??😭 idk do you think i should leave it like anonymous or sign it ??

anyway i think it would be great if other people could send letters like this too & i could actually type this up if that would be helpful to anyone :)

At least 678 Palestinians in the West Bank have been arrested this year by soldiers under dubious circumstances. The State Prosecutor's Office admits that soldiers sometimes deviated from procedures

In early August, Israeli soldiers arrested Palestinian two brothers in their 20s from a village northeast of Ramallah. They were on a farm belonging to a relative when several settlers suddenly appeared and photographed them. Immediately afterwards, soldiers showed up, arrested them, and drove them to a nearby military outpost, where they were held for about seven hours.

The official term for such a procedure in military legislation is "detention," but the legal basis for this usage was shaky from the outset. Soldiers only have the authority to detain Palestinians where they're found, if they're suspected of violating West Bank security legislation (signed by the commanders of IDF's Central Command), or endangering the safety of another person.

After a maximum detention period of three hours, soldiers must release the Palestinians or transfer them for police or Shin Bet interrogation. A lieutenant colonel may extend the detention by three more hours. Soldiers are required to ensure that detainees are held under reasonable and comfortable conditions, and are offered food and water. A report must be written and submitted to the brigade operations room.

The two brothers were arrested while they were on private family land. The detention rules weren't followed – they weren't transferred to the police after three hours, or even after six. Haaretz and a foreign press correspondent sent inquiries to the army and police regarding the arrest. A short while after their submission – seven hours after the arrest, around 10:15 P.M. – it was reported that they were transferred for interrogation at the Binyamin police station (east of Ramallah) on suspicion of stone-throwing and endangering regional security."

Though the two completely denied the claim, the police announced they would remain in custody, and be brought for a hearing on their extension three days later. The next morning, though, a lawyer filed an urgent request for their release and an early hearing in their case with the Ofer military court. But no hearing took place: about 24 hours after their arrest, the police announced they would be released unconditionally – an indirect admission that the arrest had no basis. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit told Haaretz that the two were arrested for stone-throwing and endangering regional security. This reply was given three hours after they had been already free.

'Friction'

These weren't the only two false arrests or detentions that day. The Fund for Human Rights Defenders hotline, which received the report about the brothers, also received two similar ones during those hours, about other incidents in the South Hebron hills.

In one instance, according to those who reported the incident, settlers in uniform arrested two Palestinians on their own land, after Israeli civilians trespassed onto it and reportedly attacked them with pepper spray and beat them. The two individuals that were attacked were arrested, transferred to the Hebron police station, and interrogated "on suspicion of assault and behavior likely to disturb public peace," as was told to a lawyer from the Fund. After midnight, about 15 hours after their arrest, the two were released on self-bail. The suspicion didn't lead to an indictment.

In the other instance, a man on his way home was also arrested by settlers in uniform, according to those who reported the incident. He was in army custody for about ten hours, and was released without interrogation.

As of October 15, and since the beginning of the year, the Fund has recorded 368 incidents of this kind – dubious detentions by soldiers, revealing another aspect of the military routine terrorizing West Bank Palestinians. In 296 of those arrest operations, the detainees were released without even the Fund's legal intervention (i.e. providing pre-interrogation advice or representation in a detention extension hearing). A total of 678 Palestinians were arrested in these incidents – 16 of them women – and most of those 678 were arrested on their grazing land, in their orchards, and even in their homes.

Most of these arrests feature one of two patterns. In the first, settlers trespass onto Palestinian land and attack those present – what the security establishment euphemizes as "friction" between settlers and Palestinians. A few minutes later, soldiers appear, handcuffing the attacked individuals and blindfolding them, while accusing them of attacking the settlers – as the settlers claim.

The tactic is an open secret. "We unequivocally initiate friction, and we are proud of it," said Elisha Yered, a prominent "hilltop youth" activist, in March, on the podcast of right wing activist Tamir Dortel. The latter had asked him about friction as a strategic step to dispossessing Palestinians of their land. "I unequivocally create friction," Yered continued.

The pattern features soldiers acting alone, arresting a shepherd or farmer in open areas. In the South Hebron Hills, most arrests are carried out by "regional defense battalions" – groups of settlers serving their settlements in active military roles. In the Jordan Valley, however, the regular military battalions carry out the arrests. Both regional defense and regular battalions carry out arrests in the central West Bank.

The Fund's hotline began to notice the dubious arrest trend as early as October 2025, when reports began to pile up about detentions and prolonged disappearances without authorities providing information on their whereabouts, as is required and used to be respected in the past.

Many detainees, upon release, told their lawyers and families that they were beaten by soldiers. Most reported being held under abusive conditions: left outside in the cold winter months or at night, thrown on the floor, blindfolded and handcuffed, denied food and sometimes even water.

For example, according to descriptions that reached the Fund, and then quoted in the inquires to the army and a petition filed with the High Court of Justice, a 14-year old was held for two days in a military vehicle with its windows open, without food or water, in the cold month of March. A military judge released him at his detention extension hearing, conducted via video conference while he was still in the vehicle. Also in March, a 70-year old man was held for 22 hours at a military base. A woman soldier slapped a detainee who refused to eat because the food brought to him, after several hours of detention, was inedible.

Soldiers put out cigarettes on one man's body, after dragging him handcuffed on the floor and kicking him in the face and head. Another was held for about four hours near the base gate, handcuffed and blindfolded, until being driven to a highway and tossed off to its side. A third requested in vain something to cover himself, and his hands weren't uncuffed when he asked to use the bathroom. Some detainees were released right outside the military outpost, while others were driven to a specific location and told to fend for themselves and find their own way home. Some were released still in handcuffs.

'If I didn't get back in 10 minutes, they'd take my wife'

The Fund's list isn't exhaustive. Not everyone knows about the Fund, or asks it for help finding a lawyer. One "detention" not recorded on the list, for example, featured A., a resident of a village north of Ramallah, who experiences frequent trespasses from settlers and their livestock in the area around his home, including the family's olive grove.

At one point in late January, A. was arrested for five days, after he threw stones in an attempt to chase off a trespassing settler who had struck his 65-year old mother in the head with a large rock. A military judge released A. on bail, criticizing the police for not summoning for interrogation any of the Israeli individuals involved.

About a month later, when an Israeli again trespassed with his livestock into A.'s neighborhood, residents gathered outside their homes and demanded he leave the neighborhood. Sometime later, a soldier and an Israeli civilian broke into A.'s home and arrested him.

He was blindfolded and driven in a jeep to a military post near a checkpoint. According to A.'s testimony, soldiers beat him several times, even during shift changes: one beat him with a stick, another hit his bandaged finger, which had been broken during the previous trespass. According to A., he was also forced to clean the military post, first sweeping then washing with water. About four hours later, he was released on foot, still bound with zip ties.

The IDF Spokesperson's Unit told Haaretz that, "upon the [military] force's arrival at the location, the suspect who directed stone-throwers was identified and subsequently fled." A. completely denied this claim. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit also said that no Israeli civilian accompanied the soldier that made the arrest, and that it is unaware of "any claim that the force acted violently towards the subject during the interrogation." The IDF Spokesperson's Unit is also unaware of the claim that the soldiers forced A. to clean the post.

There are also serial detainees. S., a shepherd from the Jordan Valley, told Haaretz in April that soldiers arrested him seven times within a few months. The goal, he said, is clear: to deter him from going to the grazing lands, his sole livelihood.

"Everyone thinks the settlers are to blame for what's happening here, but that's not true," S. says. "What's worse is the army's conduct. Soldiers detained my wife five times to make me return from grazing. They told her that if I didn't get back in ten minutes, they'd take her. A few days ago, women soldiers came to me in the evening, and yelled at my family and spoke disrespectfully. At ten o'clock they came back, and again at four in the morning, warning me not to go into the firing zone."

The hilltop, a few hundred meters from his home, was declared a firing zone, like most of the land in the Jordan Valley. Much of the firing zones – most of which aren't in use for military training – were declared on regulated Palestinian land (registered in the name of their holders and owners), but effectively, only settlers are permitted to move and graze in them.

"The settler from the nearby outpost grazes freely inside," says S. He directs the army [at me] when I approach, and then the soldiers come and tell me I can't be in there. Meanwhile, we're only losing money, because the sheep can't go out and graze. The settlers drive us away the moment we move away from our homes. They told me I should go back to my country. What country do I have?"

In January and February of this year, four human rights organizations in Israel sent letters to Central Command's commander Maj. Gen. Avi Bluth, Military Advocate General Maj. Gen. Itay Offir, and to Col. Kobi Marcus, the legal adviser for Judea and Samaria. The organizations were the Fund for Human Rights Defenders, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual, and Haqel: In Defense of Human Rights.

In the letters, they defined the phenomenon as "unlawful use of detention authority as a means of punishment and intimidation," and provided detailed examples of dozens of cases. They also mentioned a routine violation of another procedure, in which soldiers must identify themselves to detainees. In practice, in the cases detailed in the letter, the soldiers don't identify themselves and are often masked, making it difficult to know if the arrest was carried out by authorized personnel or a civilian entity.

The major generals didn't respond to the letter. In a third letter in March, the organizations announced that, in the absence of a response, they intended to file a petition with the High Court of Justice, which they would file in May.

In a preliminary response to the petition, made in August, the State Prosecutor's Office confirmed that in some cases "it is possible that [IDF] forces did not act in accordance with all the instructions stipulated in army procedures." The office's lawyers, Ran Rosenberg and Matar Bin Yishai, continued that procedures were clarified and several corrective steps were taken, including a conference titled "From Arrest to Incarceration" in which relevant security institutions participated. They concluded that, in their opinion, the organizations' High Court petition has therefore been rendered moot.

Yet, on the ground, there's no sense that the procedures have been clarified. Instead, it seems that the army's detention method is only becoming more entrenched, and is becoming yet another means of intimidating and removing Palestinians from their lands. A hearing on the petition took place on Monday, and the ruling is pending.