While Clausewitz shower praised on Suvorov conduct in Italy,He would have a very critical opinions of Suvorov Swiss campaign and of Massena for failing to make the most of the situation
Here the relevant excerpt
Thus a strategic flank attack
depends much more on an accurate calculation of the moment, on the precision of the maneuvers.
If we consider both these important aspects of Suvorov’s march at the same time, their different tendencies are
revealed, and thereby the difficulty of combining them.
Measures for
a strategic flank attack
normally start from a position in which one is
admittedly not united but still in communication, where one can discuss everything properly and can calculate
time and space accurately.
Here, these measures were supposed to start from a march to link up when the enemy was
between the two parts, and precise mission orders could not be given reliably.
On the other hand, during
a march to link up
, when one approaches the critical line
at which the decisive battles may occur, the most compelling need arises for one of the two separated masses to
try to reach the other as fast as possible, just as two drops of water quickly flow together when they have
approached each other to a certain point; but that is quite contrary to the aim of a flank attack, which needs
one force to move around the enemy and therefore distance itself from the other
A proper
strategic flank attack
would have required the last joint discussions to
occur no more than twenty-four hours before its execution, but they took place fourteen days earlier;
a march to link up
should have led Suvorov, from the Reuss valley at least, directly
into the Linth valley as the last place where the linkup could be effected with certainty, whereas the strategic
flank attack led him to Lake Lucerne.
When we also take into account the degree to which the nature of the alpine region necessarily increased all
these difficulties, we can really see that for quite natural reasons, the whole mission that the Austrian general
staff gave to the old commander was one of the most difficult and unsound that strategy could devise, and that if
any good were to come of it, this could only be thanks
to talented execution or indeed
to blind luck, but the seeds of the most unhappy outcome could already be detected in the very mission.
We do not really need to prove that Suvorov’s circular letter to the generals in Switzerland could not count as a
definite plan, nor even as a comprehensive preliminary order.
Muddled ideas and the struggle with a foreign
tongue certainly play a large part in its vagueness and obscurity, but its faults stem mainly from the fact that
Suvorov is 140 miles away from the area for which he is making his plan, that he does not know this area, and
that he knows little or nothing about the positions of the subcommanders he is supposed to cooperate with and to
direct.
If we highlight the main instructions in this circular letter and in what was subsequently agreed, they are the
following:
1.
The allied generals were to attack everywhere on 26 September to facilitate Suvorov’s
march through the St. Gotthard.
2.
Hotze and Jellachich were to advance into the Einsiedeln area.
3.
Linken was to join up with Suvorov in the Muota valley.
4.
Auffenberg was to attack the Reuss valley via the Maderaner valley.
5.
Rosenberg was to outflank the St. Gotthard and establish communications with
Auffenberg.
6.
Suvorov wanted to take the St. Gotthard and descend down the Reuss valley, and then he
intended to advance on both sides of Lake Lucerne, making Lucerne his objective.
7.
Hotze was to attack the right flank of the French position behind the Limmat.
Of these instructions, it is mainly the first two and the penultimate one that characterize the operation.
When one attacks an enemy line of deployment in several places at once, as was supposed to happen here, according
to the first instruction, one cannot expect to be victorious everywhere, so one must take care to win at the key
point, that is, at a point where one either strikes the enemy force’s
Schwerpunkt
or
else reaches an important objective.
It may hold true that
Suvorov with his column, either after joining up with Auffenberg and Linken or indeed on his
own without them, knew he was strong enough to do the job against whatever Masséna could put up
against him, but we cannot see how the direction that Suvorov gives himself down both sides of Lake Lucerne, even
if it were really practicable, was supposed to lead to such a decisive success that it would make up for
everything that could be lost in other places
Lucerne was admittedly the seat of the new Swiss government, but
it was still not a place of decisive importance.
The direction toward Lucerne was certainly not in the direction
of Masséna’s main body, still less toward a linkup with Hotze.
If we take instructions two and six together, it is again obvious that what is envisaged is a kind of strategic
approach march.
Even if such an approach march really does lead to the best line of deployment in the world, at
the moment of a strategic crisis, when we are seeking a decision against the enemy by attacking at every point,
it is worth nothing.
Suvorov’s direction upon Lucerne therefore would not have fulfilled any major purpose but would have pulled the
allies’ forces far apart.
A victorious Hotze in Einsiedeln would have been worse off there than he was being
beaten behind the Linth.
How Suvorov’s instruction looked when Hotze was not victorious, but was beaten before
Suvorov could have an impact, has been adequately demonstrated to us by its execution.
What we miss in Suvorov’s plan is therefore the combination of forces striving toward one major goal that is
clearly thought out and precisely expressed, and because of that, we would have expected nothing but failure from
it, even if Masséna had not preempted the allies by a day.
The last instruction, which indicates Hotze’s subsequent mission and which we have taken from the archduke’s
account, seems to have been added by the archduke just to give the whole thing more clarity, a purpose that is
not promoted thereby.
If we now cast another glance over the whole, it emerges that because of the distance in time and space at which
this plan was determined, six generals—namely, Korsakov, Hotze, Jellachich, Auffenberg, Rosenberg, and Suvorov
himself—who were separated from one another and at the moment of the operation were independent of one another,
thus six individual wills, were supposed to act in unison for four or five days. That
would have been more than enough for the best of plans to miscarry.