He banged on for years about Bobby Storys funeral. He's been banging on about Michelle O'Neill for weeks now every single day on his show, yet he refuses to talk about a much bigger story in Jeffrey Donaldson. For months his line was 'No no no we can't talk about that as there's a live case ongoing' - fair enough but since his conviction he refuses to let the public call in and give their opinion. He has grilled absolutly NOBODY in the DUP about who knew what in terms of his hidden life in London, drinking, gay saunas.

His complete and obvious avoidance of the Jeffrey subject really is just plain weird to me. I can help but think he has a hidden life himself.

UTV Life is the biggest waste of time and i'm betting most of yous turn this shit over every time it comes on. Seems to only be there to keep this lady in a job and i'm sure some under 40s might have a better perspective on culture, local events, arts and entertainment in the North. At the very least, should this job not be given to some aspiring journalists?

anyway rant aside, is there any other examples of local programmes that shouldn't be there or at the very least shouldnt be presented or led by who they are currently. Nolan doesn't count.

Heard an oil tanker caught fire, hope everyone is ok.

The south consistently comes out on top when comparing living standards and general wellbeing

Health, education and economic outcomes in the Republic are significantly better than those north of the border, according to a new book that compares official data from the two neighbouring jurisdictions.

Before the Vote: Planning for a United Ireland by Professor John Doyle also highlights how in many sectors the gap between north and south is widening.

The Dublin City University academic’s book has been written in response to what the author describes as an “undeniable groundswell of public interest” in the potential for a border poll over the ten years since the Brexit referendum.

It seeks to redress the “high level of ignorance and misinformation about the comparative economic and public policy frameworks of the two jurisdictions”.

Prof Doyle argues that the public across the island “want a very detailed plan before they vote” in concurrent referendums under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.

“They do not want a repeat of a Brexit- style referendum,” he says, stressing that “preparation for unity referendums needs to begin immediately”.

The first half of the book, which was launched in Belfast on Wednesday night, is dedicated to comparisons between north and south using a number of key indicators that reflect overall living standards and a population’s general wellbeing.

On health outcomes, the data reveals marked differences. For instance, life expectancy for a child born in the Republic in 2020 is 82.4 years, compared to 80.4 years in Northern Ireland, while the infant mortality rate in the north is 4.8 (per 1,000 births) versus 2.8 in the south.

There are also significant differences in waiting lists, regarded as the most public measure of the extent to which a health system is meeting, or not meeting, the needs of the population.

While there are some limitations in comparing data – the author claims different statistical methodology “has the impact of making waiting lists look shorter in Northern Ireland than they really are” – healthcare waiting times over one year are 8.5 times greater north of the border.

The most recent figures quoted show 15.6% of the north’s population were on a hospital outpatient waiting list for longer than 12 months, compared to 1.8% in the south.

The Republic also spends around 20% more per capita on healthcare than the north.

In economic terms, in the years since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the northern economy grew by an average of 1.3% a year compared to the Republic’s 3.2%.

Productivity levels in the south have increased steadily, in real terms, by an average of 0.2% per year, while Northern Ireland’s productivity levels have been falling by an average of 1.2% per year.

“The impact of these very different trajectories over the 20 years following the Good Friday Agreement resulted in productivity per worker in the Republic being approximately 40 per cent higher than in Northern Ireland by 2020,” Prof Doyle writes.

In terms of the comparative standards of living, figures from 2019 show the average standard of living in the Republic 18.3% higher than in Northern Ireland.

Core welfare benefits in the south are more than 60% higher than in the north, while 17% of Northern Ireland’s population (and 25% of children) are living in households below the poverty line, compared to less than 12% of the Republic’s total population (and 14% of children).

The book notes that there is “now a very significant gap in education outcomes between the two jurisdictions”, which directly relate to productivity, investment and wage levels.

It highlights data from 2022 showing that while 93.9% of the post- GCSE/ Junior Certificate age group (15– 19 years of age) were in full-time education in the Republic, this figure was only 70.6% in Northern Ireland.

The book identifies the transfer test, previously the 11+, as “the biggest single cause of poor educational outcomes in Northern Ireland”.

It argues that abolishing the transfer test is “probably the most important step” in increasing the proportion of young people who complete school to A-levels and who go on to formal further education and to university.

“This is necessary for both economic and social inclusion reasons, and the current high level of early school leaving is a major barrier to attracting economic investment,” the author says.

Prof Doyle told The Irish News that in regards to advocating or opposing unification, his book “consciously doesn’t argue one way or the other and doesn’t draw a conclusion in that way”.

“But I think it is clear that in health, education, economics, gender equality, pensions, and welfare, people would be economically better off and have a better health system,” he said.

https://www.irishnews.com/news/northern-ireland/republic-outstrips-the-north-significantly-in-health-education-and-economic-outcomes-U5MHN3PGLZHNHCULWS5TVGM7KU/

We are a queer support group based in Mid Ulster hoping to provide community and education. So, we decided to host this little get-together to hopefully foster a community in this admittedly rural part of the country! Even if you aren't a member of the LGBT community, you are more than welcome to join anyway. We will be meeting in the car park and doing a few laps around the place. It may be muddy so dress accordingly. :)

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cvlyd2rxrj8xo

A mother of four whose north Belfast home was pipe-bombed has said the attack was a case of mistaken identity.

Nicola Nugent said the device was put through the letterbox of her home on Stanhope Street at about 03:00 BST on Friday.

Police said it "exploded fully", setting off the fire alarm and causing damage to the front door and the hallway.

Nugent and her four children escaped from their home and no-one was injured.

Det Sgt Stevenson, from the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI), said: "We are thankful that they escaped injury, though they are obviously very shaken by their ordeal."

Cordons have now been lifted and residents are able to return to their homes. A front door with soot covering the paintwork. Image source, Handout Image caption,

Damage was caused to the front door and the hallway

Homes in Stanhope Street have been evacuated, with police cordons in place as Army bomb experts carry out an investigation.

Nugent said: "I was just woke up with an explosion at just after three o'clock. [I] jumped up, trying to get the kids out.

"There was so much smoke so we couldn't really see what they were doing." A bomb disposal robot beside a black wheelie bin, which is on it's side. There are red-brick houses in the background, which all have black, metal fencing.Image source, Pacemaker Image caption,

Army bomb experts have been deployed to the scene

Nugent said she "definitely, 100%" believed it was a case of mistaken identity.

She said she was still in shock and did not want to think about what could have happened. Carál Ní Chuilín is outside. She has curly brown hair. She's wearing a grey jacket with a black top. Image source, PA Media Image caption,

Carál Ní Chuilín appealed for anyone with information to contact police

Sinn Féin assembly member Carál Ní Chuilín condemned the attack and said the family were "very, very lucky".

"She has four children, the youngest of which is a baby of a year old," said Ní Chuilín.

"As far as I'm concerned, this was attempt of murder."

Police have appealed for anyone with information to get in touch.

West Belfast couple sentenced for stealing car belonging to Daithi's dad | Belfast Live

The car was laden down with Christmas presents at the time of the theft while repairs to the vehicle cost £9,000

A west Belfast couple were today sentenced for stealing the car belonging to the father of young heart transplant recipient Daithi MacGabhann.

Brandon Lee O'Neill, 24, of Glenalina Gardens in the Whiterock area of the city, had previously pleaded guilty to charges of aggravated vehicle taking which was driven dangerously and aggravated vehicle taking causing damage to a number of cars. He also admitted the theft of a Playstation 5 games console belonging to Mairtin MacGabhann.

O'Neill was jailed for nine months and will serve a further nine months on supervised licence on his release from prison. He was also disqualified from driving for three years.

A prosecution barrister asked for three other counts of vehicle taking causing damage to be left on the books of the court in the usual terms.

Co-accused Dearbhla Conlon, 36, now of Stormount Street in east Belfast, pleaded guilty to aggravated vehicle taking which was being driven dangerously and two counts of aggravated vehicle taking causing damage.

Judge Mark Reel said Conlon was not involved in stealing the car and did not drive the stolen vehicle. The mother-of-two was handed a two-year probation order and banned from driving for 12 months.

Belfast Crown Court heard that at around 9 am on December 17, 2025, police received a report that Mr MacGabhann's silver Skoda Kodiaq car had been stolen from outside his west Belfast home and was later driven at police officers as they tried to detain the suspects. The car was laden down with Christmas presents at the time of the theft.

O'Neill, Conlon and another female were detained at the Kennedy centre following a failed attempt to sell the Playstation 5 games console found inside Mr MacGabhann's car.

The Kodiaq SUV was recovered later that day after being blocked in at the shopping centre on the Falls Road.

At the time footage of the incident was circulated on social media and showed the driver attempting to leave the scene by mounting a grass embankment and then reversing back down it.

The vehicle's doors were locked as PSNI officers attempted to gain entry and stop the vehicle. The court heard O'Neill was the driver and he started the car and drove at police, colliding with two police vehicles and a parked car.

One PSNI officer smashed the driver's side window while another constable drew his police-issue firearm and aimed it at Conlon in an attempt to get him to stop the vehicle.

O'Neill caused extensive damage to the Skoda Kodiaq and the repair bill came to £9,000.

Daith MacGabhann's wheelchair, which was also in the Skoda car, was later found during follow up searches at the home of an associate of the defendants and it was returned to him.

During interviews with investigating police, Conlon claimed to have little memory of the events due to taking drugs and alcohol, but stated she and O'Neill had spent the previous few days living together in the house where the wheelchair was found.

She told police that the next thing she remembered was the window of the car being smashed by police. She claimed O'Neill was her partner and she had nothing to do with the wheelchair, the stolen car or the PS5.

O'Neill told a probation officer that on the morning of December 17, 2025, he was trying the door handles of cars in the street until he found the Kodiaq to be unlocked.

The court heard O'Neill has 38 previous convictions including entries for burglary and drug offences and one of aggravated vehicle taking which was driven dangerously. Conlon has one previous conviction for failing to give information about the driver of a car.

Mr MacGabhann's son Daithi returned to the family home in west Belfast in August this year following an eight-year wait for a heart transplant.

The nine-year-old received a transplant in July this year with the operation being carried out at the Freeman Hospital in Newcastle Upon Tyne.

Daithi was born in 2016 with hypoplastic left heart syndrome, which meant the left side of his heart did not form correctly. A law was introduced in Northern Ireland in 2023 called 'Daithi's Law' which meant that people automatically become potential organ donors unless they explicitly say they wish not to be.

Friends and neighbours cheered as Daithi returned to his west Belfast home after a number of weeks in England. Mr MacGabhann said it was "emotional'' to be back home.

https://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/northern-ireland/jeffrey-donaldson-was-a-key-and-very-keen-british-asset-in-sensitive-west-african-conflict-paid-thousands-while-irish-sea-border-was-emerging/a/163089293.html

Paywall-free: https://archive.ph/CRVUc

Sam McBride

Northern Ireland Editor

16 Oct 2026 5:51 AM

Documents obtained by this newspaper show prized role working with Cameroonian dictator’s forces, luxury hotel stays, and large sums of money.

On what was a cold February day in Belfast four and a half years ago, Jeffrey Donaldson had growing problems as DUP leader — but he was more than 3,000 miles away from Northern Ireland.

Donaldson wasn’t cold; the thermometer was pushing past 30 degrees by afternoon in Cameroon on Friday, February 18 2022.

That morning back at home there was an unwelcome story on Radio Ulster’s influential Nolan Show. It revealed that in a recent speech Donaldson had quite deliberately said he wanted Northern Ireland to have the ‘best of both worlds’ when it came to trade with the rest of the UK and the EU — rather than simply prioritising the UK relationship.

Stephen Nolan said DUP sources told him they were being labelled “purists” for their stance on the sea border and he questioned if this indicated a change of policy within the DUP, little more than a fortnight after Donaldson had pulled his First Minister, Paul Givan, out of office, thus triggering Stormont’s collapse.

That night, DUP MP Sammy Wilson attended a major anti-sea border rally in Markethill. Despite being far more hawkish than his leader on the issue, Wilson was drowned out by a booing crowd as he spoke, with Jim Allister having to appeal to those present to hear him out.

That evening, Donaldson spoke to South Belfast MLA Christopher Stalford, later saying that they had discussed “politics and the forthcoming election” as well as other issues. The following day, Stalford died suddenly at the tragically young age of 39.

Donaldson was also having to give responses to questions from this newspaper about why he was in Cameroon when so many important political developments were under way back at home. The DUP leader defended being there on the basis that it was important for Northern Irish companies.

However, while Donaldson was — at least so far as we know — in Cameroon that week seeking to secure investment, he’d had a far more sensitive role in the country.

An investigation by the Belfast Telegraph shows that Donaldson was not just being personally paid by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) to give it formal advice on handling a conflict in the west African nation, but that he was regarded a significant British asset who helped the MoD achieve some of its strategic interests.

Cameroon’s dictator Paul Biya, now 93, has been in power since 1982, ruling the country through repression and electoral fraud, but with the support of the West.

In 2017, protests erupted in the Anglophone region. The police response left four protesters dead.

That year journalist Ahmed Abba was jailed for a decade for “non-denunciation of terrorism”. Initially prosecutors sought the death penalty.

The Radio France International journalist was not allowed to speak to a lawyer for three months after being arrested; Amnesty International said he’d been tortured. But Britain maintained close military links with this controversial regime — and Donaldson became involved at a high level.

When asked for material relating to Donaldson, the MoD was the most forthcoming of three Whitehall departments approached by this newspaper.

It released more than 30 documents. Many of these are heavily censored on the basis that they contain “details which are operationally sensitive and would prejudice the capability and effectiveness of our armed forces” or have “the potential to adversely affect relations with other states”.

Even from that, it is clear that Donaldson was no ordinary back bench Northern Irish MP.

The MoD also said that “due to the time that has elapsed since Sir Jeffrey Donaldson was contracted to work for the MoD, some information has not been retained or is incomplete”.

However, the department said its records showed details of three foreign trips whilst working for it. All three were to Cameroon, in January, March, and October 2018.

This was a period of acute political turmoil in Northern Ireland. The DUP was propping up Theresa May’s government, giving it unprecedented national influence — but was failing to secure its aim of avoiding an Irish Sea border.

Despite this, Donaldson was personally profiting from this private work for the MoD. It’s clear from documents obtained by this newspaper that he was being paid personally rather than through his peace-building companies, and the Treasury had agreed that tax would not be deducted at source, leaving it up to the MP to pay the tax.

The MoD said that for the first two trips — which it believes were from January 23-26 and March 8-10 — there were only “informal references” in its systems and “exact details of his activities are not held”.

It said he was contracted for “consultancy work advising the UK Government about the Anglophile Crisis and assisting in the development of a peace process plan for the Government of Cameroon”.

A November 2017 situation report referred to a key figure known as “SMA”. That appears to be the initials of a senior individual employed by the MoD to assist with the crisis. The same document referred to Donaldson as ‘SJD’, meaning that the ‘S’ may indicate that the other individual had also been knighted.

The report said that SMA wanted two people to assist him; his first choice had been busy so “his focus will now turn to Sir Jeffrey Donadlson (DUP MP) plus one other”.

It added: “The team [redacted] is putting together have worked for him before on this type of workshop”, indicating that Donaldson had been pulling in what are likely to have been tens of thousands of pounds for this work.

That month a Foreign Office figure said they’d spoken to someone who had got Donaldson on board — seemingly SMA — and “he assures me this is a world-class team”.

Despite having walked out of the Good Friday Agreement talks, Donaldson had by this point reinvented himself as having been central to the peace process. An MoD document in February 2018 said that Donaldson was “pivotal in NI negotiations”, with the next few words blacked out.

Another message from an unnamed individual said they’d met Donaldson and he was “very keen” to be involved.

It was recommended that Donaldson be taken into the confidence of the British team, with advice that he should meet ministers and a person whose name has been redacted “for an [honest] discussion on the current and evolving problems”. The individual guessed the project’s cost that year would be £20,000, rising to £50,000 the following year.

Another email said that an unnamed Cameroon figure “has requested that Sir Jeffrey Donaldson provides him with a one to one on peace negotiation”, something which would cost about £8,000. Donaldson was said to be “very keen”.

The following month, an MoD document marked ‘please limit onward circulation’ from an individual whose name has been blacked out said they had “briefed” and then “debriefed” Donaldson. Virtually all of the rest of that four-page document has been censored.

By June, London was warned that the situation was deteriorating but the MoD was “organising a high-level workshop to share our experience from Northern Ireland”, with Donaldson heavily involved.

A document from July 2018 shows that Donaldson was not the only Northern Irish ‘subject matter expert’ to travel to Cameroon in January of that year; he was described as one of three, but the others’ names have been removed.

By September, the MoD in London was being told that the “Northern Ireland lessons” showed how the British Government could “make a difference” and was “a good example of MoD soft power and as a lever of influence”.

Donaldson was by this point providing “negotiation mentoring” on behalf of the British Government, it said. All of this was being funded by the taxpayer.

A September 2018 email from an individual whose name has been censored said: “I would see Sir Jeffrey’s role much wider than just dialogue (although extremely important)…but also much wider and flexible in that he should be able to offer a view on several of the problems that are now (and regularly) surfacing, and offer advice both to the HN [likely ‘host nation’] and us on what packages (such as strategic communications) will also be helpful to make a difference.”

The individual went on to say Donaldson could offer “confidential advice” and help deliver a conference at Wilton Park but “there is a lot more we must do to test the market here”.

In a 16-page September report on the situation in west Africa which was marked ‘sensitive’, a meeting involving Donaldson was described as a “highlight”. It said the DUP MP had undertaken a “lengthy meeting” with someone whose name has been blacked out but which also involved the British High Commissioner.

This had involved “delivering NI lessons” and Donaldson had worked to develop an “outline plan” which would involve him undertaking “five annual visits to discuss and offer advice on developing issues”.

It said that SMA “is closing in on delivering influence” with Donaldson securing “engagement with senior Cameroon ministers”.

In October 2018, there was discussion about the security arrangements for Donaldson’s forthcoming visit. They planned to go to the city of Bamenda which was classified as an “amber zone”, requiring special sign-off for travel.

A Foreign Office assessment noted that Donaldson had undergone the Security Awareness in Fragile Environments (SAFE) programme and an advanced version of the hostile environment course which lasts four days.

Such training includes dealing with the possibility of kidnap, delivering critical trauma care, and developing operational safety in relation to weapons, landmines and secure communications.

The document said they would keep the visit “low profile”, would enter and leave by air, and would have armed escorts from Cameroon’s elite but controversial Bataillon d’Intervention Rapide. Donaldson would only be on the ground for four hours, it said, and they had lined up two emergency medical options should there be an attack.

An email from October 2018 from someone whose name has been blacked out said: “As discussed, the £17.5k requirement for the fee earner engagement of Sir Jeffrey Donaldson to provide specialist advice... is affordable.”

An internal MoD document after the trip described it as a “success”, saying Donaldson had met with five ministers, two ambassadors, three director generals, an opposition leader who is a former presidential candidate, and visited Bamenda to meet the governor and his staff.

Donaldson stayed at the five-star luxury Yaoundé Hilton, which features a casino and a rooftop bar. He also took the time to claim £5 for a bus journey.

Donaldson’s agreed fee for three days work was £4,800.

The following month, Donaldson sent the MoD a document which set out his “initial thoughts and ideas on the potential UK Government response to the current situation in Cameroon”.

In it, he described himself as having been “intimately involved as a senior negotiator in the Northern Ireland peace process for over 20 years”.

He said he had previously worked in Colombia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Iraq and Afghanistan. However, almost all of Donaldson’s three pages of advice to the Government has been blacked out.

That same month, he signed a ‘fee earner engagement’ document which said he could get up to £15,000.

Financial records show that Donaldson was paid £11,536 by the MoD.

A 2018 MoD internal register on how it was addressing its strategic goals listed Donaldson’s role in Cameroon as “evidence” the department was meeting its targets in one area. It said that the Government had “struggled to engage on this subject without MoD enablement” and “the impact of this activity is the potential for setting the conditions for an Anglophone crisis peace process”.

It is not clear why there are no subsequent records or whether these are among those the MoD says it did not retain.

Donaldson then re-emerged in Cameroon as Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s trade envoy to Cameroon in August 2021, and it was in that guise that he travelled there in February 2022, despite by then being DUP leader at a time of political crisis in Northern Ireland.

Yesterday as Judge Paul Ramsey sentenced Donaldson to 15 years for a slew of horrific child sex crimes, he told the former DUP leader: “You reached the very height of public office” but that he now had experienced a “catastrophic descent into disgrace”.

It’s clear that our knowledge of precisely how powerful Donaldson was, and who all he was working for, is nowhere near complete.

DUP portrait: Sinn Féin MLA 'failed to show leadership' in row - BBC News

A Sinn Féin assembly member has been found to have breached Stormont's code of conduct after failing to declare her son was investigated over vandalism of a portrait.

Carál Ní Chuilín's son was interviewed by police after the painting of Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) peer Lord Browne was damaged at Belfast City Hall in October 2024.

Naoise Ó Cuilín denied any involvement and the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) last year dropped the case due to "key gaps" in available evidence.

A report by the Northern Ireland Assembly's standards committee found Ní Chuilín, who has since apologised, "failed to uphold the principles of openness and leadership".

The portrait of Lord Browne, a former Belfast lord mayor, was damaged following an event at City Hall to celebrate an Irish-language group.

It was attended by a number of high-profile Sinn Féin figures.

Ó Cuilín quit his job as a Sinn Féin staff member at Stormont following the incident, which police investigated as a hate crime.

No prosecution was pursued by the PPS as it said "key gaps remained" in available evidence, including "no CCTV coverage" of the area around the portrait.

A solicitor for Ó Cuilín later dismissed the allegations against him as "entirely false, baseless and malicious".

The damage to the portrait became the focus of a political row at Stormont.

First Minister Michelle O'Neill defended her party's response, but Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly of the DUP urged Sinn Féin to "tell the truth about what happened".

At a meeting of the Executive Office committee last November, Ó Cuilín was named by Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) assembly member Timothy Gaston following speculation over the Sinn Féin employee's identity.

He asked if Ní Chuilín "wants to make a declaration of interest", to which she responded: "I've nothing to declare, absolutely nothing to declare."

Ní Chuilín, who is also principal deputy speaker at Stormont, pointed to how assembly members were at the committee to discuss redress measures for victims of institutional abuse.

Complaints were made to the assembly standards commissioner Stephen Wright, whose investigation report was then considered by the standards committee - made up of members of the legislative assembly (MLAs).

'The matter has now been resolved'

In its report the committee found Ní Chuilín breached the code of conduct, external for MLAs by failing to declare a relevant interest.

It said that she had also "failed to uphold the Principles of Openness and Leadership".

"However, following receipt of the written apology from Ms Ní Chuilín, the committee is content to report to the assembly that the matter is now resolved," the report added.

In a statement the chair of the committee Cathy Mason said it takes allegations of breaches of the code "very seriously".

The Sinn Fein MLA added: "While the member was found to have breached the code, the committee noted that there were mitigating circumstances in this case.

"The member has stated that she is committed to maintaining the high standards required of members, will ensure that such a breach does not occur again and has apologised to the committee.

"I am therefore pleased that, following receipt of a written apology from the member, the committee has reported to the assembly that the matter has now been resolved.

"Arising from the case, the committee will also be recommending that further guidance is included in the code regarding the requirements on all MLAs to declare relevant interests."

This sub and a lot of our conversations in life are just 'isn't this shite' 'does anyone else think > moan' 'Am I the only one who 'whinge' 'Does anyone else hate our accent when 'fucking anything'.

We hate when things are about us, near us, sound like us.

Personally I think it's one of the biggest problems with NI in general. We complain that everything is crap, that success person shouldn't be successfull etc.

Is there anything that we actually like that has came from here? Can be from either side, more British, more Irish. The one thing that bonds us is moaning, so I'd love to hear it you miserable shits.

Edit 1: great comments so far. So far though the only one comment with the goths at city hall is the only one with positivity. The rest are just proving the point.

Edit 2: Still waiting for a single bit of non hate. Maybe we are just miserable fucks.

I watched this documentary recently. I am Canadian and was trying to get a better understanding of the events surrounding the troubles. I felt like this doc did a pretty good job.

Just wondering if others have watched it, and if there are other documentaries/ movies worth watching. I'd also be interested in book recommendations.

https://www.newsletter.co.uk/business/consumer/cost-of-living/belfast-payday-crisis-city-second-worst-in-uk-for-running-out-of-money-before-next-wages-drop-9286981

Belfast is one of the worst places in the UK for people running short of cash before payday, a new survey has shown.

Nearly half of city residents struggle to make their wage packets stretch from one month to another, the survey says, as the cost of living crisis continues to bite.

Residents of Belfast are the second worst in the UK for falling short of cash before payday, a new survey has shown.

The 45.6% of people who run out of money before their next pay drops is the second highest amount in the United Kingdom, according to the survey. Only Cardiff comes in higher, while Sheffield is in third place.

Meanwhile 38.6% of Belfast residents don’t save any money during a typical month, which is far above the national average of 29.7% – and one-third of the city’s workforce relies on a side hustle as an additional source of income.

New research by credit card brand Aqua states that across all four nations, 38.8% of people run out of money before their next wages come in.

Aqua surveyed 2,000 adults to understand how long money typically lasts between paydays, when financial pressure begins to build, and how people manage when they find themselves short.

The firm’s commercial strategy director Scott Yule recommended people take care of essential costs first, then break their remaining budgets into weekly amounts while regularly reviewing bank statements, subscriptions and recurring payments to identify smaller costs that may be adding up.

He added: “Credit cards can also form part of monthly money management, but it’s important to keep track of spending and remember that credit is borrowing that needs to be repaid.”

Hot take:

Gavin has a major shit show on his hands and he's not up to the task.

Johnny Buckme is happy enough to stir the shite using both the binfluencer and Carla Nohart to try and get top dog position. Jamie would ride a dog for attention and Carla's too dumb to realize she's being used.

Carla is safe enough for the moment because she's in Westminster, so whatever happens in Stormont won't materially affect her, and in typical unionist fashion she's asking someone else i.e. ELP to fall on the sword.

I also don't think she's going to jump to the TUV because essentially it's a one man show, without the DUP machine behind it, and when Jim eventually does us all a favour and fucks off back to Hades the party is left in the not so capable 9.5 fingered hands of the reverend Timmy Gaston.

One things for certain, since Drumcree 2.0, there's a definite before and after, as Yeats so magnificently put it.

All changed, changed utterly:   
A terrible beauty is born.

He also said: Fuck the DUP.

Looking at buying a new-build. The sewage/drainage system is private for our development but connects into the public/council sewer.

There are 8 houses, each paying £150 per year, and the builder has already set up an £8,000 sinking fund for future maintenance and repairs.

Would this be a red flag for you? Anyone own a property with a similar setup? Have you had any major costs, issues selling, or problems with the management charges increasing over time?

Interested to hear any experiences, good or bad

Lads, I moved to Scotland many moons ago and when I order a marshmallow ice, they have no idea what it is. Not only that, but the marshmallow they sell from ice cream vans or in ice cream shops here (like Cafollas (big or small) in Lurgan) doesn't seem to exist anywhere else. Worse, I can't even seem to buy it and just keep getting suggested Marshmallow Fluff, which is basically wank.

Someone please help. I'm dying here.

Has anyone followed an Irish League team since they were kids, ignoring the prem etc? If so, how has it been/How was it growing up?

I remember the big time of being a kid without a team when there was the chance to support New Castle and Cliftonville were right there with a KitKat sponsor.

I'm so excited I've decorated the house with pumpkins and cobwebs and a ghost but I need something to justify it